थरुहट आन्दोलन, दलित र मनुस्मृति

महेश चौधरी


2009-03-24,Tuesday (Courtesy: www.nayapatrika.com)

थरुहट आन्दोलन मधेसीकरण र विखण्डनवादविरुद्ध थारूलागायत तराईका अन्य आदिवासी, धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यक र राष्ट्रपे्रमी, देशभक्तहरूले स्वस्फूर्त गरेको आन्दोलन थियो । दुई साता लामो विदेश भ्रमणबाट स्वदेश फर्केपछि मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमका अध्यक्ष एवं सरकारका परराष्ट्रमन्त्री उपेन्द्र यादवले चैत ३ गते त्रिभुवन विमानस्थलको विशिष्ट कक्षमा त्यहाँ उपस्थित पत्रकारलाई भने, 'थरुहट आन्दोलन भूकम्पको अन्तिम धक्का हो, हाम्रो पार्टीलाई फाइदा पुगेको छ ।' थरुहट आन्दोलन चरम उत्कर्षमा पुगेको वेला मन्त्री यादव देशबाहिर भएकाले त्यसको झट्काको अनुभव गर्न पाएनन् । तसर्थ उनले भूकम्पीय धक्काको अन्तिम तरंगको मात्र अनुभव गर्न पाए । जे होस्, फोरमलाई झट्का लाग्न त लागेकै हो । भूकम्पीय धक्का कति रेक्टरको थियो, सिस्मोग्राफ यन्त्रले नाप्न सकेन, तर भूकम्पको इपिसेन्टर -केन्द्रविन्दु) भने मधेस आन्दोलनको बीचै भागमा रहेको थियो । धक्काले गर्दा मधेस आन्दोलन तीन भागमा विभाजन हुन पुगेछ ः मधेसी, आदिवासी र मुस्लिम । दलितमा भने चिरा मात्र परेछ, चिरा परेपछि अन्ततः ब्रेक हुनेछ । यसर्थ थरुहट आन्दोलनबाट फोरम पार्टीलाई राम्रै फाइदा पुगेको रहेछ भन्ने कुरा हामीलाई थाहा भयो ।

दलित र अन्य सन्दर्भलाई हेर्ने हो भने फोरमको पवित्र ग्रन्थ मनुस्मृति हो । हालका मन्त्री यादवले जब नेकपा -माओवादी) परित्याग गरी फोरम गठन गर्ने क्रममा पहिलो कार्यक्रम गरेका थिए काठमाडौंको राष्ट्रिय सभागृहमा, त्यहाँ उपस्थित श्रोतामाझ 'मनुस्मृतिका आधारमा नेपाल सबै मधेस हो' भनेर केसम्म भनेका थिए, हुटिङ भयो र कार्यक्रम नै बिथोलियो । त्यसपछि जेपी गुप्ता र यादवले आठ सय वर्षदेखि भारतमै हराएको मधेस, आर्यावर्त, हिन्दू धार्मिक राज्य यही नेपालको तराईमा भेट्टायौँ भन्न थाले ।

मनुस्मृतिअनुसार श्रीकृष्ण ब्राह्मण र क्षेत्रीलाई छाडेर केवल वैश्य र शूद्रलाई चाहिँ रक्त अशुद्धता भएको जाति ठान्छन् । यसर्थ यादव समावेश रहेको सरकारद्वारा जारी अध्यादेशमा तराईका दलित, जनजाति र धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यक समुदायका मानिसहरू मनुस्मृति धार्मिक ग्रन्थअनुसार पापयोनिबाट जन्मेका हुनाले उनीहरूको अधिकार हरणयोग्य छ भन्ने मान्यता राखेको हुनुपर्छ । मन्त्री गुप्ताले आध्यादेश खारेज भए विद्रोह गर्छौ भनेर त्यसै भनेका होइनन् । जम्बुद्वीप, आर्यावर्त वा महाभारत जे भने पनि त्यहाँ बाहुनवाद थियो । वेद पढेमा शूद्रका कानमा सिसा पगालेर हालिन्थ्यो । ब्रह्माको मुखबाट ऊ जन्मिएकाले, उसलाई सर्वश्रेष्ठ मान्ने परम्परा थियो । यो व्यवस्था सात सालअघिसम्म कानुनी रूपमै रह्यो । अब नेपाल तराईमा त्यही व्यवस्था पुनः फर्काउने प्रयासमा फोरम छ । आर्यहरूको मानवताद्रोही र जातिभेदवादी दस्ताबेजको नाम मनुस्मृति ग्रन्थ हो । यद्यपि, मनुनामक क्षेत्रीले समाजमा राम्रो व्यवस्था कायम गर्नका लागि योे ग्रन्थ रचेका हुन्, तर भृगु बाहुनहरूले मनुस्मृतिलाई भृगुस्मृति बनाइदिए । यसमा आर्यहरूको जन्मदेखि मृत्युसम्मको कर्मकाण्ड, उनीहरूका भक्ष-अभक्ष पदार्थको विवरण उल्लेख गर्दै ब्राह्मणले क्षेत्रीय, वैश्यलाई कसरी कजाउने र शूद्रलाई भोजननिम्ति जुठो अन्न, आङ ढाक्न पुराना वस्त्र तथा ओछ्यानका लागि धानको पराल र ओढ्नका लागि जीर्ण सिरक दिनुपर्छ भनेर उल्लेख गरिएको छ ।

शूद्रलाई बुद्धि दिनु हुँदैन । आफ्नो सेवकलाई बाहेक कुनै दोस्रो शूद्र -भोकै मर्छ भने पनि) लाई जुठो अन्नसमेत खान दिनु हुँदैन । देवतालाई मन्सिएको खाद्यपदार्थ पनि शूद्रलाई भक्षण गर्न नदिइयोस् । शूद्रजातिले ब्राह्मणादि उच्च तीन वर्णलाई कठोर वचनसाथ आक्षेप लगाउँछ भने त्यस शूद्रको जिब्रो काटिदिनुपर्छ, किनभने त्यो सबैभन्दा नीच वर्णमा उत्पन्न भएको हो । शूद्रले बाहुन, क्षेत्रीको जात तथा नाम काट्दै निन्दा गरेमा त्यसको मुखमा दस अङ्गुल लामो फलामे किला आगोमा पोली रातो पारेर घुसारिदिनू । शूद्रले घमण्डका साथ बाहुनलाई उपदेश दिएमा राजाले त्यस शूद्रका मुख र कानभित्र उम्लँदो तेल खन्याइदिनू । शूद्रले आफ्नो हात-गोडामध्ये जुन अंगद्वारा उच्च जातिउपर प्रहार गर्छ त्यही अंगलाई राजाले काटी फ्याकिदिनू, यो मनुको आज्ञा हो । शूद्र बाहुनसँगसँगै एउटै आसनमा बस्यो भने राजाले त्यसको कम्मरमा आगोले रातो पारिएको फलामे डन्डीले डामेर देशनिकाला गरिदिनू वा नाक काटिदिनू । शूद्रले घमण्डका साथ ब्राह्मणको शरीरमा थुकिदिएमा त्यसका दुवै ओठ, मुतिदिएमा यौनांग कटाई फ्याँकिदिनू ।

कस्तो अमानुषिक तरिकाले यातना दिनुपर्ने हो, ती उपदेश मनुस्मृतिमा उल्लेख गरिएका छन्, जुन मनुस्मृतिको हिमायती पार्टी हो फोरम । मनुस्मृतिमा उल्लेख छ— चाण्डाल र स्वपच -अछुत) हरूको बसोवास गाउँबाहिर हुनुपर्छ । यिनीहरूसँग भाँडाकुँडा केही हुनु हुँदैन, कुकुर र गधा यिनीहरूको सम्पत्ति हो । लासलाई ढाकी फालेको कात्रो यिनीहरूले ओढ्नुपर्छ । शूद्रको सम्पत्ति हरणयोग्य छ । शूद्र खरिद गरिएको होस् वा नहोस् उसलाई दासको काम गराउनुपर्छ किनभने विधाताले त्यसलाई बाहुनको दासकर्म गरिदिनका लागि नै बनाएको छ ।

विसं. १९१० मा राणा प्रधानमन्त्री जंगबहादुरले आश्विन ५ देखि दसजना मधेसी बाहुन -नौजना झा र एकजना मिश्र) लाई जातअनुसार नियम बनाउन अधिकार प्रदान गरेका थिए । उनीहरूको विपरीत गएका खण्डमा रु. पाँचदेखि रु. ३० सम्म जरिवाना गर्नसक्ने अधिकार पाएको र कसैले उनीहरूको धर्म र भनाइअनुसार नचलेमा आफ्नो जातैबाट पतीतसम्म गर्न सक्ने अधिकार पाएका थिए । यसै अधिकारका आधारमा तराईमा राणाकालभरि यिनीहरूले मनपरी गरेको कुरा रेवतीरमण खनालले आफ्नो कानुनको पुस्तकमा उल्लेख गरेका छन् । ठीक यसै गरी श्रीकृष्णका सन्तानहरू र मधेसी उच्च जातिहरूले एक्काइसौँ शताब्दीको हाम्रो संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रमा 'मनुस्मृति'अनुसार तराईका आदिवासी, धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यक र दलितलाई मधेसीकरण गरेर 'मधेस' आर्यावर्त स्थापना गर्न खोजेका हुन् भन्नेमा कुनै शंका लिनुपर्दैन । हिन्दू धर्मका हिमायती, मनुस्मृतिका अनुयायी नेपालका केही कम्युनिस्ट घटकलाई आर्यावर्त चाहिएकाले उनीहरूलाई 'तराई मधेस' नामकरण चाहिएको छ । अफशोच, मन्त्री महोदय विदेश-भ्रमणबाट अलि ढिलो आए, थरुहट आन्दोलनको भूकम्पीय तरंग मत्थर हुने वेलाको अलि कम झट्काको अनुभव गर्न पाए, अब ज्वालामुखी विस्फोटको अनुभव गर्न बाँकी नै छ ।
-चौधरी नेकपा एमालेका सभासद् हुन्)

भूमिपुत्र थारूहरूको आन्दोलन

किशोर नेपाल

(Courtesy: Naya Patrika, 15 March 2009)

सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वको समयमा सरकारी सुरक्षा निकाय थारू समुदायका तन्नेरीहरूलाई सोझै हिंसात्मक आन्दोलनसँग जोड्ने गर्थे । मध्य र सुदूरपश्चिमका सुरक्षा-पोस्टहरूमा बसेका हाकिमहरू कुनै पनि लक्का जवान थारू केटा वा केटीलाई देख्नेबित्तिकै माओवादीको आरोप लगाइहाल्थे । त्यतिवेला, यात्राका क्रममा यो स्तम्भकारले सुखड, पहलमानपुर, अतरिया र वुडरका चेकपोस्टमा सुरक्षाकर्मीले थारू केटा वा केटीको हुर्मत लिएको देखेको छ । द्वन्द्वकालीन सरकारहरूको अनुभवमा थारूहरूको सक्रिय सहभागिताले माओवादी आन्दोलनलाई ऊर्जा दिएको थियो । सुरक्षाकर्मीहरूको यो पूर्वनियोजित मानसिकताका कारण धेरै थारूले दुःख पाएका थिए । हिंसाको त्यो कालखण्डमा धेरै तन्नेरी थारूले अनाहकमा ज्यान गुमाउनुपरेको थियो । धेरै थारू विस्थापित भएका थिए । देशमा बृहत् शान्तिप्रक्रिया सुरु हुन्जेलसम्ममा धेरै सचेत थारूमाथि माओवादीको ठप्पा लागिसकेको थियो । टाठाबाठामा गनिने केही थारूले तत्कालीन सत्ताको ओत पनि नपाएका होइनन् । तर, ती नगण्य थिए । आन्दोलनको व्यापकतामा समेटिएका विशाल थारू समुदायका अगाडि ती केही पनि थिएनन् । जनआन्दोलनको दोस्रो शृंखलामा त्यो विशाल थारू समुदाय आन्दोलनको मुख्य ऊर्जा बनेको थियो ।

नेपालका आदिवासी जातिका रूपमा थारूहरूको पहिचान कसैले स्थापित गरिरहनुपर्ने विषय होइन । नेपाली जीवनको तस्बिरबाट थारूलाई निकालिदिने हो भने त्यो तस्बिरको औचित्य नै बाँकी रहन सक्दैन । नेपालीका रूपमा थारूहरूको निख्खर पहिचानलाई कसैले खोस्न सक्दैन । उनीहरूको त्यो पहिचान मेटाउन खोजियो भने देशका रूपमा नेपालको परिचय नै खण्डित हुने भयावह अवस्था आउनेछ । नेपाली राज्यको मौलिक स्वरूपको निर्माणमा अपरिहार्य र अविभाज्य भूमिका रहेका जाति र जनजातिको नाम लिँदा सबैभन्दा पहिले उच्चारण गर्नुपर्ने जाति हो, थारू । विडम्बना कि राज्यको बृहत् स्वरूपबाट सधँै उपेक्षित रहेको, सधँै ठगिएको र सधँै शोषित रहेको जाति पनि थारू नै छ । एकाग्रता र लगनशीलता थारू जातिका विशेष गुण, हुन् । कृषिकर्ममा होस् वा आन्दोलनमा, थारू कि त लाग्दै लाग्दैन, लागेपछि सम्पूर्ण तन्मयताका साथ लाग्छ । थारू जातिको सबभन्दा ठूलो गुण यही हो ।

नेपालका थारूहरू समाजको आधुनिकीकरणबाट पर्याप्त फाइदा लिनबाट चुकेका वा वञ्चित गरिएका जातिमा पर्छन् । भूमिपुत्रका रूपमा नुन र पीरोसँगै औलो र अन्य अनेक प्रकारका व्याधी पचाउँदै आएका थारूको विस्थापन पनि नेपालको आधुनिकीकरणसँगै जोडिएको छ । अमेरिकी सहयोगमा नेपालको तराई र भित्री मधेसबाट औलो उन्मूलन गरिएपछि ती क्षेत्रका भूमि विस्तारै गैरथारूबाट आवाद हुन थाले । थारूहरूले नयाँ आवादकर्तालाई खुला दिलले स्वागत मात्र गरेनन्, उनीहरूको स्थायित्वको जग बसाउन पर्याप्त सहयोग पनि गरे । यसक्रममा थारूहरूले थाहै पाउन सकेनन्, कतिवेला उनीहरू जग्गाधनीबाट कमैया भइसकेका थिए । अरूलाई स्थापित गराउने धूनमा स्वयं विस्थापित भइसकेका थिए ।

नेपालका समाजशास्त्रीले थारू जातिलाई शक्तिको हिसाबले थाकेका वा कमजोर हुँदै गएका जातिका रूपमा चित्रण गर्ने गरेका छन् । उनीहरूको विचारमा थारू यस्तो जाति हो जो आपmनो पृथक् जातीय अस्तित्वका लागि संघर्ष गर्ने स्थितिमै रहेको थिएन । अन्य उत्साहित जातीय समूहभित्र समाहित हुँदै गएको निष्कर्षमा पुगेका थिए समाजशास्त्रीहरू । तर, अहिलेका घटनाक्रमले त्यसलाई गलत सावित गरिदिएको छ । अहिले चर्किएको आन्दोलनले थारूलाई क्लान्त र राजनीतिक रूपले निष्त्रिmय जातिबाट जीवित ज्वालामुखीका रूपमा विस्फोटित गराइदिएको छ । अहिलेको आन्दोलनले थारूको चुलोमा सत्ताको रोटी पकाउँदै आएका मधेसवादी र माओवादीको नारा संकटमा परेको छ । मधेसवादीलेे एक प्रदेशका रूपमा बनाउन खोजेको मधेसभित्र आफू अटाउन नसक्ने घोषणा थारूहरूले गरिसकेका छन् । त्यसैगरी, सरकारका रूपमा प्रस्तुत हुनुअघि थारूहरूको छुट्टै प्रदेश बनाउने नारा दिने माओवादीले थारूहरूको विश्वास नराम्रोसँग गुमाएका छन् ।

०४६ को जनआन्दोलनले बृहत्तर थारू समाजलाई उद्वेलित नगरेको होइन । त्यसवेलाको आन्दोलनले थारू जातिमा क्रियात्मक चेतनाको राम्रै विकास गर्यो । शासनका विधि-विधानबाट पन्छिएर होइन, त्यसमा सहभागिता खोजेर मात्र थारू जातिको विकास हुने निष्कर्षमा पुग्यो, थारू समुदाय । देशको शासनमा भागिदार कांग्रेस र एमाले जस्ता पार्टीमा थारूको सहभागिता उल्लेख्य रूपमा बढ्यो । तर, ठूला दलहरूले किनारामा लेखिएका साक्षीका रूपमा मात्र थारू जातिको अस्तित्वलाई स्वीकार गरे । थारूहरूको घना आवादी भएका जिल्लामा समेत कांग्रेस र एमालेले थारूलाई नेतृत्वमा राखेनन् । यति मात्र होइन, थारू जातिलाई देशका कुनै पनि आर्थिक र सामाजिक गतिविधिमा समावेश गरिएन । विदेशमा रोजगारीको अवसर होस् वा स्वदेशमा शिक्षाको, थारूहरू सरकारका कार्यक्रममा कतै पनि अटाउन सकेनन् । यही कारण हो कि नेपालीे राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिको कुनै पनि पक्षमा यतिखेर पनि थारू नेताहरूको खडेरी परेको छ । पहाड वा मधेस जहाँका हुन्, ब्राह्मण र बनियाँहरूले आफूलाई भूमिपुत्र सावित गर्न जतिसुकै ठूलो स्वरले कराए पनि थारूहरूको अघिल्तिर उनीहरू पुड्का सावित हुन्छन् । ब्राह्मण र बनियाँ दुवै यस्ता जाति हुन्, जो तामाको एउटा थाली र एउटा खच्चडका भरमा पनि आपmनो अस्तित्व धान्न सिपालु हुन्छन् । मधेसमा यो कुरा प्रत्यक्ष देखिन्छ । कुनै एउटा ढुंगोलाई देवताको रूपमा स्थापित गरेर सबैको निधारमा टीका लगाइदिँदै दक्षिणा बटुल्दै हिँड्ने ब्राह्मण र खच्चडको पिठ्यूँमा दुई भारी बतासा बोकाएर बजार-बजार चहार्ने बनियाँका बीच अनौठो तादात्म्य रहेको हुन्छ । बुद्ध धर्मावलम्बी र मुस्लिम धर्मावलम्बीका बीच धार्मिक र समुदायगत रूपमा कुनै प्रकारको समानता हुँदैन । तर, जहाँ बौद्धमार्गी हुन्छन्, त्यहाँ मुस्लिमको उपस्थिति अनिवार्यझैँ हुन्छ । बौद्धमार्गी आफँैले पशु हत्या गरेर मासु खाँदैनन् । त्यसैले बौद्धमार्गीको बस्तीमा मुस्लिम समुुदायका मानिस मासुको व्यापार गर्छन् । ब्राह्मण र बनियाँको सम्बन्ध पनि त्यस्तै हो । ब्राह्मणहरू धर्म र पूजाको व्यापार गर्छन् र बनियाँ नैवेद्य अथवा बतासाको । यो अद्भूत जोडी जहाँ गए पनि सँगै फष्टाउँछ । थारूहरूले यस्ता व्यावसायिक कुरा बुझेका हुँदैनन् । उनीहरू माटोमा जन्मिन्छन्, माटोमै लडिबुडी गरेर हुर्किन्छन् र माटोमै बिलाउँछन् । धर्ती नै उनीहरूको धर्म हो ।

माओवादीलगायतका नेपालका राजनीतिक दलहरू अहिलेसम्म पनि परम्परावादी मान्यताबाटै निर्देशित छन् । जाति-जातिबीच अन्तर्निभर सम्बन्ध नभएसम्म सन्तुलित विकासको ढोका खुल्न सक्दैन भन्ने तथ्यलाई नेपालका राजनीतिक दलले राम्ररी बुझ्न चाहेका छैनन् । स्वायत्तता एउटा आकर्षक राजनीतिक नारा बनेको छ । तर, जाति र जनजातिका सामाजिक तथा सांस्कृतिक स्वायत्तता शून्यमा टिक्न सक्दैन भन्ने तथ्यलाई कसैले पनि केलाउन खोजेको पाइँदैन । अन्तरनिर्भरताबाट प्रादूर्भूत हुने स्वायत्तता मात्र टिकाउ हुन्छ । त्यस्तो स्वायत्तताले मात्र राजनीतिक स्थायित्व दिन सक्छ । दुर्भाग्य कि, यतिखेरको नेपाली राजनीतिमा विभिन्न जाति र जनजातिलाई एक अर्काको शत्रुका रूपमा चिनाउने खेल भइरहेको छ । जातीय अन्तरनिर्भरताको सूत्रलाई समेटेर राष्ट्रिय एकताको माला बनाउनेतिर संविधानसभाका माननीय सभासद्हरूको ध्यान पुग्न सकेको देखिएको छैन । जनताद्वारा निर्वाचित संविधानसभाले तयार पारेको कार्यसूचीहरूको औचित्य र उपयोगिताका बारेमा प्रश्न उठाउनु जायज नहोला । तर, राष्ट्रिय स्वार्थका मूल मुद्दामा संविधानसभाभित्रबाट कुनै पहल नगरिनु दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण हो । निर्वाचित संविधानसभाको गठनपछि पनि पार्टीहरूले देशका ज्वलन्त समस्याको समाधान संविधानसभाबाहिर खोज्ने हो भने राजनीतिक दलहरूको नियतमाथि जनताले प्रश्न उठाउनेछन् । आपmना अधिकारको खोजीमा थारूहरू सडकमा उत्रिनुपर्ने परिस्थितिको निर्माण पक्कै पनि थारूहरूले गरेका होइनन् । संविधानसभाभित्र वर्चस्व भएका दलहरूले यसको समाधान खोज्न सकेनन् भने देशको अवस्था अरू विकराल हुनेछ ।

नयाँ वातावरणमा भौगोलिक र ऐतिहासिक रूपले सर्वमान्य ठहरिएका भिन्न विचारलाई 'नेपाली' पहिचानभित्र सन्तुलित ढंगले मिलाएर लैजान सकिएमा मात्र हामी राष्ट्रका रूपमा जीवित रहनेछौँ । यसका लागि हामीले साझा संस्कृतिका आधार समात्नै पर्छ भन्ने केही छैन । मधेसीभित्र थारू अटाउने, थारूभित्र मधेसी अटाउने, सबैभित्र सबै अटाउने किसिमको स्वायत्त गणराज्यको खोजी नै अहिले सबैको अभीष्ट हुनुपर्ने हो । पुराना र शास्त्रीय प्रकारका राज्यहरूको संरचना भत्किँदै गएका अवस्थामा नेपालीहरूले समानुपातिक जातीय सन्तुलनसहितको राज्यको निर्माण गर्न सक्छन् । त्यसका लागि विद्वेष होइन, विवेकको आवश्यकता हुन्छ ।

photo credit: Jack Lazar via photopin cc

They're imposing their identity on us

(Courtesy : www.ekantipur.com)

Raj Kumar Lekhi is General Secretary of the Tharu Welfare Council (TWC), which, along with a number of other organisations, has been spearheading the protests that have caused great disruption in large sections of the Tarai for the past week. Aditya Adhikari and Pranab Kharel spoke to him about the political condition of the Tharus and what his organisation seeks to achieve.

Q: What are the reasons for your protest?

Lekhi: The Tharu community, and all the Adibasi-Janajatis of the Tarai -- Rajbanshi, Dhimal, Santhal, Tajpuriya, Danuwar, for example -- feel this andolan is necessary because the first amendment to the Interim Constitution has named the territories that have historically belonged to the Adibasi Janajatis as the Madhesh. The independent identities of dozens of groups that live in the Tarai, which have their own languages, culture, religions and traditions, have become erased. In addition, these groups have been deprived of the political rights that are rightfully theirs as indigenous people.

The state has used that clause in the Interim Constitution time and again to undermine our identity. This happened during the Constituent Assembly (CA) election when all Adibasi Janajatis were subsumed under the Madheshi cateogory in the election laws.

More recently, around two months ago, an ordinance passed by the council of ministers again classified all Adibasi Janajatis of the Tarai as Madheshis. This was the immediate cause of the protest. But it is not only the ordinance we are protesting against. We want a rectification of all past errors too.

Q: How have leaders of political parties responded to your protests?

Lekhi: Five days after the first amendment to the Interim Constitution, the Tharu Welfare Council had organized a programme. There, we had invited 16 Tharu members of parliament from various parties and held an interaction with them. We asked them, “How could you have allowed the political parties to erase your identity? You should understand your duties. Otherwise the coming generations will view you as traitors to your community.”

After that, by means of a peaceful andolan, we published and distributed appeals to the prime minister, the speaker of parliament and other leaders of political parties. But even after that, the government didn't do anything. More recently, we burnt effigies of the prime minister and staged demonstrations. We also appealed to all other Adibasi Janajatis in the Tarai that our identity is at a greater risk than has ever been before. This had not happened even during the Panchayat days, or Rana days, but is now happening during a time when a government that claims to be loktantrik is in power. We said that all Adibasi Janajatis have to stage an andolan together, and that is what is happening now.

Q: What does the government have to do for you to withdraw protests?

Lekhi: The government has to correct the mistakes it made in the past. The government shouldn't make one mistake after another. Didn't the interim government ratify International Labour Organization (ILO) convention 169 a year ago? Didn't they give this convention the status of law? ILO Convention 169 has stipulated and guaranteed the rights of indigenous people. The government has, however, worked against the convention.

Q: The government says that the classification of Tharus as Madheshis will ensure that larger numbers of Tharus will be included under quotas than would have been the case if they were classified as Janajatis.

Lekhi: I respect the leaders of Nepal's political parties. However, we have started feeling ashamed of them. That these big leaders who lead the country should talk in so childish a manner.

This morning I was listening to the thoughts of a Madheshi leader, Anil Jha. He was saying, “All the Adibasi-Janajatis of the Tarai are Madheshis. Their identity is our identity.” Why is he trying to impose his identity on us? A Bahun living in Surkhet might say, Tharus living in Surkhet are Pahadi Tharus. But how can Tharus be Pahadis?

The Tarai and the Madhesh are not the same; they are not synonyms of each other. We call the historic territories of the Tharu people Tharuhat. The Madheshis have their historic territories -- it is called Madhyadesh. The Tarai is a territory where many groups live, including Tharus, Madheshis, Muslims, Dalit, Pahadis. Now, if one community, the Madheshis, claim the entire Tarai from the Mechi to the Mahakali as their own, our identity will become extinct. If that happens, we will lose our political, cultural and linguistic rights.

Q: How have relations between Tharus and Madheshis been historically? Have you had grievances against Madheshis for a long time?

Lekhi: The Madheshi communities' history in the Tarai does not exceed 200 years. They came from Madhyadesh to the Tarai after the rise of Prithvi Narayan Shah to work as advisors, bureaucrats and farmers. The Shah rulers, in the process of distributing birta land to those close to them, forcibly seized land from the Tharus and distributed it to others, including Madheshis. Before Nepal became a nation-state, the Tharus had their independent state. The Tharus and other Adibasi Janajatis of the Tarai were responsible for converting jungle into cultivable land. After this happened, immigrants from both the hills and from Madhyadesh came to live in the Tarai. Our languages and traditions are completely different from Madheshis.

Q: So the Madheshi community has oppressed your community?

Lekhi: It is natural that migrants and people who live around towns and cities are more aware and clever than people who are farmers, live in the villages, and are honest and innocent. So we may be honest and innocent, but this must not be regarded as weakness.

Q: It has appeared that in the current political context, groups that haven't formed political parties haven't been able to hold much leverage over the government. Do you have plans to form a political party?

Lekhi: All the leaders and members of our organization are members of one or another political party. Some are in the Maoists, some in the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, The Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) or the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). Some of them are in leadership positions. The Tharu Welfare Council is an organization for that fights for rights, it is not a political party that will fight elections.

Q: The MJF was a similar organization to yours. But it only gained substantial power after converting into a political party.

Lekhi: I don't want to say much about the MJF. But the leaders of that party were in positions of power during the Panchayat era and also during the post-1990 democratic period. Even in the Rana period, their families were in the ruling class. There is therefore a substantial difference between the MJF and our organization. In 2005 BS, when there were no political parties in Nepal, the Tharu Welfare Council held its first general convention in Bara. The organization itself was formed in 1988 BS to bring reform to the Tharu community and fight for its rights. It has a long history. So it cannot be compared to any NGO or political party.

Q: You are personally affiliated to the CPN-UML. How successful have you been in raising voices for Tharu rights within the party?

Lekhi: The Adibasi Janajatis of Nepal, through their movements, have been an example to South Asia. We have been successful in having the government ratify ILO Convention 169 which guarantees our rights. We have been taking our concerns to each political party and pressuring the government.
One should understand however that our organization is not armed organization. We believe that we should fight for our rights through peaceful means, unlike the various armed groups in the Tarai.

You are now Madheshis

Sushma Joshi

Of all the groups who have blocked our highways, the Tharus are one group who need to be heard more than anybody

Blocking highways has become the defacto way to exhibit political protest. Everyone gets up in arms about this; perhaps we have no one to blame but our political leaders who started this method of guerilla warfare to bring attention to their presence and issues. Highways appear to be easily blocked in Nepal. More importantly, disrupted highway traffic garners immediate attention. Did I hear somebody say something about putting highway blockers in prison? Now that would be a good way to start civilizing Nepali methods of protest (next should be a one year prison term for those who burn toxic tires, and who release carcinogens in the air, pollute densely populated areas, and contribute to global warming.)

But wait -- don't just put these highway blockers into prison yet. Because of all the groups who have blocked our highways, the Tharus are one group who need to be heard more than anybody. Dispossessed by both Pahadis and Madheshis, it is no surprise that the Tharus are not taking kindly to being lumped in with the uber term of Madheshi. An indigenous group (or groups) of people with their own languages, ethnic identity, history, cultures, and a sense of being an integrated political unit shouldn't have to suffer the indignity of being lumped into a group which may have seized their lands, put them at the bottom end of a foreign caste hierarchy, tied them in debt bondage, and delegitimized their political identity by seeing them as simple pawns of a larger political game.

The Muluki Ain of 1854 put the Tharus at the lowest rungs of Hindu untouchability. And the groups who identify as Madheshi, along with the Pahadi, were able to take advantage of this by appropriating lands that the Tharus had traditionally cultivated because the Tharus didn't have a concept of private property or land ownership. The next step was to tie them in debt bondage through loans and then using labor as repayment through a chain that spanned generations. King Mahendra's highway andmalaria eradication brought a further waveof Pahadi migrants to the Tarai, dispossessing the Tharus further.

Till 2000, many Tharus from Western Nepal were indentured labourers or Kamaiyas to both Madheshi and Pahadi families. The government declared them free on 17 July 2000 -- unfortunately there habilitation of former Kamaiya was done in a dismal pace and the land and citizenship cards promised to them never materialized in many cases, forcing families to return to former employers.

One corollary of the way the Nepali state has always marginalised Tharus manifested in a recent historical moment. During a research project conducted via the UN, I was part of a team that documented a systematic disappearances campaign from one Tharu village. The army officer in charge was well known in that area and he would pick up and disappear Tharu farmers and locals with no apparent cause whatsœver. The Tharu people picked up had no affiliation with political parties and were not politically involved, leading observers to conclude that rather than following orders to politically repress opponents, the army officer may simply have been exercising his impunity.

In another case we documented, a Tharu widow had been accused of gaubadh-- killing a cow, which is a punishable offense in Nepali law. The neighbour's bull had died and he accused her of witchcraft and cow-murder. Interestingly, the woman had just converted to Christianity, which may have been a reason for the neighbourly dispute. The neighbour filed a case against her with the intent to seize her land, but he was thwarted when both the courts and the Maoists gave a verdict in her favor. Despite winning the case, however, it was clear that she faced an extreme amount of ostracization based on both her ethnicity, religion as well as widowed status. It would require not just a win at the appellate court but an entire overhaul of the Nepali Constitution to make her feel part of the community.

The Tharus make up 6 to 7 percent of the Nepali population -- a not insignificant number. With 26 major subgroups (with Dangaura Tharu, Rana Tharu, Chitwan Tharu, and Katharia being the four largest)and different dialects, the Tharus may not be as integrated as they seem, and putting aside 6 percent for Tharus in all government a land administrative positions may be difficult to implement. What is possible to implement is their demand that they be considered a separate ethnic group, a position that is not difficult to understand. What is clear is that the Tharu andolan is a legitimate andolan of indigenous people(not just a plot of the UML to destabilize the Madheshi movement and make inroads in the Tarai), one of many which we will see as grievances and demands of minority groups rise to the surface. How the Nepali government deals with the Tharus will be a test case of how the Nepali state will deal with its indigenous groups. It will also be a test of how we go about a federated Nepal.

Police harassment against Tharus has been on the rise since their agitation. Going house to house to beat up Tharus, unfortunately, is no different from the army officerwho went around disappearing people with impunity.

What the Tharu andolan has also brought to the attention of Nepalis is that these ordinances being passed are by-passing democratic discussion and process. The government passed an ordinance on inclusivity, which should have been a progressive act, but it did it without telling the Tharus they were now Madheshis. Now that's a definite no-no. Having a 600 member CA Assembly makes no sense if all important decisions, from disappearances to inclusivity, is being decided through a small clique of decision-makers. After all, the whole point of democracy is to make governance open to the public.

(Courtesy: The Kathmandu Post, 14 March 2009)