Jitiya Pawain - the most revered festival among Tharu women

Bhulai Chaudhary

Jitiya is the most important Pawain of the Tharu women in the eastern and mid Tarai of Nepal. There is a proverb about Jitiya, most commonly used in the community, "Jitiya Pawain Bada Bhari". The proverb means to say that Jitiya is the most valuable festival of the Tharu women. Jitiya is the symbol of jit (victory). It is in the name of Jituwa, a blessing son of the Sun. He is also called God Jitamahan. God Jitamahan is the main deity of Jitiya Pawain to whom a bratalu woman (a woman who is on brata, a devotee) worshipping Jitiya festival. Jituwa or Jitamahan has been blessed by the Sun that a woman who will do this brata in the name of Jituwa honestly in the right time in right way, her son will come out victorious in every difficult moment. He can't be defeated by any one.

Women do this Pawain for the welfare of their children. It is believed that if a woman does this Jitiya Pawain for the first time in right time (kharadin) in a right way, her child becomes very safe, long living, healthy, wealthy and successful in every walk of life. If somebody is escaped, sometimes, from a deadly event, it automatically comes in the mouth of the people that your mother started Jitiya Pawain in a kharadin (very sacred moment). That is why s/he is saved; otherwise s/he had no chance to be saved.

Other importance of this festival is a woman gets a chance to see her parents, friends and to spend relaxed life at her Laihara/maternal place. Children are also impatiently waiting this festival. Because they get chance to visit maternal uncle and to have new clothes from him. They get very delicious food there in course of Jitiya. So the women and their children both become happy at a time during Jitiya.

Women from other communities rather than Tharus also celebrate this Jitiya festival in the eastern and mid Tarai of Nepal and the adjoining community of India. But, the way the Tharu women celebrate Jitiya differs from other communities. Tharu women generally celebrate this festival at their maternal place (Laihara). A lady who is married can do this Jitiya Pawain. In Tharu community young as well as old all women can do this brata. There is no restriction. But in other communities generally old women take this brata at her home. There is no tradition to celebrate it at her Laihara. But in the Tharu community all young married ladies at their Sausara are impatiently waiting their brothers who come to call their sisters from Sausara to Laihara on the auspicious occasion of this Jitiya brata.

The story behind Jitiya festival
In the days of yore, in the northern plain, there was a king named Saribahan. He was very pious. He used to devote most of his time on religious activities. He had one daughter named Masabashi. She was very dear and lovely to her father. She was as pious as her father. She also used to devote most of her time on religious activities and worshipping God. As time advanced she grew up into a quite young princess. The king started to find out a suitable prince for his lovely daughter Masbashi. Masbashi also came to know this fact and finally she told to her father that she was not in favor of any marriage. She expressed her interest that she wanted to be a saint/hermit and wanted to devote her all time in worshipping God. She expressed that she wanted to live and pass her all time in a hermitage rather than royal palace. The king was shocked to know her interest. He tried his best to convince her to forget her current ideas, but Masbashi did not hear of him. Lastly, the king asked his ministers to build a hermitage outside of the palace on the bank of the river according to the interest of his daughter/Masabashi. Masabashi started to spend a hermit life in the hermitage in the guise of a saint. Everyday in the early morning before the Sun she used to go to the river for bathing and after bathing she used to devote her full time in worshipping. She did neither use to see a male nor the sunshine. Whole day she was inside the house busy in spiritual activities. It was her daily life. Sometime passed like this way. Once ill luck would have it with her. She was late to get up in the morning. When she got up, she hurriedly went to the river for bathing but while she was returning from the river the Sun was already shining on the sky. Due to sunshine's effect Masabashi got pregnant. After sometime, Masabashi noticed this unnatural change with her. She was lost to notice it. She was quite ashamed of it. She tried her best to get ride of this unnatural event but it did not work. This news broke out rapidly in the city. The king was also lost to get this news. He was quite ashamed of it.

Instead of innumerable back-biting, Masabashi, finally gave birth to a child. Anyhow the child was growing up everyday. He was of very peculiar characteristics. He was always defeating his colleagues in all activities and coming out victorious. So, his colleagues used to call him Jituwa(a winner). But at the same time, his friends were very tired of his peculiar characteristics and were always in search of an opportunity to take revenge from him. They knew that father of Jituwa was unknown. So they put his hidden name Anerwa (a guy without father) and by this name they wanted to demoralize him.

Jituwa's friends were trying their best to prove Jituwa an Anerwa. In the long run, they designed a simple house with in and out parts in the name of a game. They made a condition that each participant would have to tell two most important and easy names which all knew. Jituwa did not notice before the tricks of his friends and thus he also participated in the game. The first condition of the game was to tell mother's name to enter into the house. All friends told their mother's name and entered into the house. Jituwa also told his mother's name and entered into the house. The second condition was to tell father's name to come out of the house. All friends did the same and came out of the house but Jituwa was not knowing his father's name and so Jituwa became unable to tell his father's name and thus he remained inside the house. Jituwas's friends were criticizing Jituwa that he was Anerwa. So he would remain inside the house. Other friends were going in and coming out of the house. Jituwa was forced to remain inside. Other friends were making a joke to Jituwa, "Why are you not coming out? Are you an Anerwa?"

Later Masabashi came to know that her son was in trap. So she came near to her son and told him his father's name- the Sun. In this way Jituwa also told his father's name and came out of the trap. Then he returned to his house with his mother.

No doubt, Jituwa came out of the game's house but Jituwa's friends were not so much convinced with Jituwa's answer. Jituwa, himself, was not so much convinced with his answer and thus he wanted to find out the true answer.

Jituwa proposed to his mother that he wanted to meet his father. Thus he requested to his mother to organize some necessary materials for him. By knowing the interest of her son, Jituwa's mother got shocked. Because she knew that no one could meet the Sun. He would be burned into ashes which she did not want. She tried as much as to convince him to forget that interest. But Jituwa did not listen to her. At last, Masabashi organized some necessary materials for Jituwa and then Jituwa departed to meet his father- the Sun.

After some days journey of Jituwa when the Sun was convinced that Jituwa could not forget his aim of meeting him then the Sun in guise of an ordinary man came to Jituwa on the way. He asked Jituwa about his aim. Jituwa told him that the Sun was his father and thus I would like to meet him. The man tried his best to convince Jituwa to give up his aim of meeting the Sun but it went in vain. Jituwa could not give up his aim. When the Sun came to know his affirmation and love towards his father then the Sun became very pleased with him and told him, "I am the Sun, your father. I am very happy with you. Now you return to your home". Jituwa politely answered, "I am happy to meet you. I am ready to return home but who will believe that I met you in reality". Then the Sun (God) said, "From now you are not Jituwa only, you are Jitmahan. You go to the earth and tell to the people that from now those married women who will take Jitiya brata in his name, their children will live long, come out victorious out of the trouble and will be healthy, wealthy and wise".

Jituwa asked him the right time and the way to take the brata. Then the Sun told, "It is Aashwin Seventh day of Krishna Pachha (dark moon) Saturday Lai, Sunday Upabas and Monday Paran".

On the first day of the brata, a married woman takes two leaves and four flowers of a spongegourd, some clay and mustard oil cake to the river. Firstly, she takes a bathe and then performs a pooja there to Jitamahan without changing her wet dressings. After the pooja she washes her head with remaining clay and mustard oil cake before her final bathing.

For pooja or offering it to God Jitamahan, she puts at the rate of two pooja of some clay and mustard oil cake on each of the two leaves of sponge-gourd, puts one flower of sponge-gourd on each pooja, pour water over it and then bow to the Lord Jitamahan.

That very day she takes a normal diet as usual without any discrimination. If possible she can eat even fish and bread of finger millet which are prohibited diets for most of the brata and ceremonies. In the last quarter of the coming night, a bratalu woman takes a powerful delicious diet called Otaghan/Dar which helps her next day and night almost 24 hrs to take brata/ Upabas (fasting) or to live without any food and water.

Before an Otaghan a bratalu woman will have to offer some curd, beaten rice, gura, banana, areca nut, four flowers of sponge-gourd on two leaves of sponge-gourd as pooja to a symbolic falcon and jackal. The symbolic falcon and jackal are offered pooja outside the temple. After Otaghan fasting starts for 24 hrs as Upabas/brata on the honor of Jitamahan. During the day a bratalu woman has to hear Jitiya Katha and has to offer pooja on his honor to God Jitamahan.

The second day a bratalu woman first collects a leaf of Bikhaman, a bow made of banana leaf, arrow of siki, banana, betel leaf, areca nut, Achhat, pea-grains, basil leaves, some bags of paddy grains made of kush leaf, some yellow and black flags or kaniya putri, a clay lamp with mustard oil, Kusadi, a glass of water, red powder, white powder made of rice and mustard oil in a basket made of bamboo, a small branch of pippal and bar (banyan) tree, and then digs out a small symbolic pond at a comfortable place and gathers to hear Jitiya katha and offer pooja to God Jitamahan at a water source under a Bar or Pippal tree.

The third day (the ninth day of dark moon) is the day of breaking of brata/Upabas. A bratalu woman breaks her fasting and starts normal diet (food and water). In the early morning she cleans her surrounding; makes everything ready for pooja and to break the brata. She takes a bathe and finishes pooja with banana leaf, Bikhaman pata, Jitiya phool (flower), curd, beaten rice, banana, gura, betel leaf, areca nut, sponge-gourd leaf and flower, achhata, pea-grains, basil leaves, a clay lamp with mustard oil, Dabahi, a glass of water, red powder and dhoop. Lastly, she uses to swallow (without chewing) five grains of each of achhata and pea and by this way her brata comes to an end.

After that, the God disappeared from there and Jituwa in the name of God Jitamahan very happily returned to the earth. He communicated the message of the Sun to the people. People became very happy to know the message. They were very eagerly waiting the time. Time came and the married women gathered at a place and decided to take this Jitiya brata. They organized every required material as instructed above. They went to take a bathe to the Naramada River and took the brata in a proper way. God Sun fulfilled the interests of the women and from that time this brata has still been in practice in the Tharuhat as well as in other adjoining Tarai communities with same spirit, essence and believe.

The Tharu and the Jitiya Festival
The Tharu women celebrate this Jitiya festival from their heart with great pomp and show. Tharu males also accompany them and equally contribute to make this festival happen magnificently. It is not so with the other communities. This festival is like a working calendar of the traditional Tharu community- when a Tharu bride and or Tharu woman comes to Sausara and then Sausara to Laihara, when to sow seeds in the fields and when to harvest the crops. It is tied with the Tharu other ceremonies. This festival makes all these things clear to the Tharus and the Tharus follow it from the very beginning. This festival clearly expresses the love between brothers and sisters. If some sisters don't have their brothers, they feel the needs of the brother at this moment. If some sisters don't have their brothers, it is commonly spoken to a sister in the Tharu community: who will go to call you for the Jitiya Pawain? Because, generally brothers are going to call their sisters for the Jitiya Pawain. At Jitiya time most of the sisters manage pigeon's meat in the honor of their brothers. Secondly, the names like Saribahan, Masabashi, Jituwa used in Jitiya katha most commonly resemble with the Tharu names. The materials to be used in Jitiya pooja like Jitiya Phoola, Dabahi grass, Siki grass, flowers and leaves of sponge-guard, peas, bikhaman are more near to the nature and simple which are rarely used in other Hindu ceremonies. Jitiya is not a new ceremony but as old culture as old the Tharu community. So, most of the Tharus believe that Saribahan should be the Tharu King.

Courtesy: www.tharus.org
The writer can be contacted at chaudharybhulai@yahoo.com

photo credit: thegreenpages via photopin cc

Joorshital - new year celebration in Tharu culture

- Lakshmi Narayan Chaudhary

New year brings with it new hopes.

1. Introduction


“Joorshital” a festival of water, blessing, amusement and merrymaking is widely celebrated by Tharus in Nepal. This festival falls in 13th or 14th in the month of April each year (i.e. 1st of Baisakh) depending on the lunar calendar and it marks the arrival of New Year. Throughout the country of Nepal, 1st of Baisakh is acknowledged as the beginning of New Year while for the Tharu community people this period has yet another greater significance in the form of their greatest festival. They also call this festival “Siruwa Pawain” or simply Siruwa, for it comes in the beginning of each year and comes first among all the festivals of the year. “Joorshital” literally means cooling by means of water. Hence, “Joorshital” as the name signifies – is the festival of waters and is celebrated by throwing water on each other. In Nepal, Tharus are the only people who celebrate this festival in the form of their greatest festival. Now a days, some other community people living in Terai have started observing Joorshital as a festival.

It is to be remembered that this Joorshital festival is not limited to Tharu community in Nepal rather it has crossed the international boundaries and reached some parts of south-east Asian Buddhist countries like Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Sri Lanka with different names. In Kingdom of Thailand, it is the greatest national festival celebrated with great joy and splendor by throwing water at each other for 3 to 4 days observing holiday throughout the country. They call it “Maha Songkran” or simply Songkran. It is celebrated in the same way by throwing water at each other in Burma, Cambodia and Laos as well. In Sri Lanka, this is called Sinhalese/Tamil new year and is celebrated both by Sinhalese and Tamil communities observing holidays for 4 to 5 days to ensure good fortune in the coming year. Public calendars are published in Sri Lanka marked with several auspicious days with time during period to celebrate the new year festival.

At this stage, the author is a bit skeptical about the names that may confuse the readers. In fact, it is optional to call this festival as “Joorshital” and or “Songkran”. Very soon, we will find that Joorshital and Songkran are one and the same. Hence, the author will like to call it by both the names as per the context and hopes that the names of the festival should not bring any confusion to the readers.

2. Origin

Joor – Joor is Tharu word which means cool. Naturally, the best cooling affect can be brought about by means of water in one form or the other. It is assumed the word “Joorshital” meaning cool, has been directly transformed from synonymous word like Joor –Joor. Jooralai means also transition of time and occasion to enable one to be lucky. In Thailand, as already mentioned above the festival is called Songkran which is an extract from Sankranti, a Sanskrit word. Joorshital or Songkran means the transition from cold to cool and signifies the entry of Sun into the sign of Aries of Zodiac. Thus, Joorshital is the celebration of Vernal Equinox similar to those of Chinese Ching Ming, Indian Holi festival and the Christian festival of Easter. No specific starting date could be affixed for such festivals.

3. History

In this context, the author would like to first narrate the story of this festival as is told in Tharu community of Nepal followed by the Thai, Burmese and Laos versions of the story and let the readers compare, co-relate, evaluate and judge the same.

There is a very well known story among Tharus about the origin of the Joorshital festival as narrated by the ancestors and carried over from generation to generation. There was once a young prince who was prodigious in learning. He was not only the greatest linguist of his time but could understand even the languages of the animals and birds. This learning excited the jealousy of Kapil – one of the gods in the heavenly realm. He came down to Earth to challenge the young prince and posed him three Sphinx-like riddles with the wager that if the young prince failed to give right answers within seven days, he would loose his head but if he succeeded, then the god himself would give his own head.

Like all the folk tales, the young prince was at his wit’s end to answer such a difficult riddles and he preferred to kill himself rather than face the defeat and loose his reputation. In utter dilemma, he stopped at the foot of a tall tree located on the bank of the river; at the top of which there was an aerie. By chance, the young prince heard the mother eagle comforting her eaglets who were crying for more food. That they would be gratified soon by feasting on the body of the young man (prince) who would fail to solve the riddles. She then narrated the story of the wager between the god and the young prince and in answer to her eaglets’ questions; the mother eagle satisfied them with the right answers to those three riddles.

The young prince availed of this information and walked away slowly as if nothing has happened. On the appointed day, he answered the god with three right answers. The god, according to the tale, lost the wager and in turn cut off his own head. His head was terrible one, for if it touched the Earth there would be universal conflagration and if it fell into the sea, the sea would dry up through the intense heat and mountain would turn to ashes by its enormous heat if kept on the mountain. Hence to avoid all these troubles, the seven daughters of the god Kapil carried his head all the times round the Meru (pivotal wheel) taking turns. This turn would be shifted in one year time and only on this Joorshital day when another sister would take up the responsibility to carry the head till next year.

4. Compatibility

Thailand version of foregoing tales matches substantially with this story. The difference are as follows: The god’s head was deposited in certain cave in the heaven and on every New Year that is on Songkran day one of the god’s seven daughters will carry her father’s head in procession with millions of other gods and goddess circumbulating like the Sun round the Meru, the Buddhists Olympic Mount (central pivotal axis of the Sun). After that, there are feasts among the celestial beings who enjoyed themselves with drinks made from the juices of chamunad creeper or the soma juice and enjoy intoxication. The god’s head is then taken back to the cave after the feast and is taken out again on the Songkran day, next year.

Prof. and historian Phya Anuman Rajdhon in his book “Thailand Culture Series 5, (1950)” has written as follows:

“In Thailand, every year before the advent of this festival, the royal astrologer in Thailand will present his calculations (based on position of planets and stars) to His Majesty the King giving all the traditional information, as predicted by the calculations of the coming year. The artists attached to the court will paint a picture based on the above information showing the Songkran Lady and the celestial procession of the god’s head”.

There is an elaborate description of Songkran in Thai versions which are mostly important for the astrological purposes and need not be described here.

Similarly, the Burmese (Myanmar) version of the foregoing tales agrees quite well. The name of the god who lost his head in the wager was Kabil Maha Phrom in Thai version and Asi Brahma in Burmese one. Kapil in Nepali has become Kabil in Thai version. Instead of depositing into the cave as in Thai version, Burmese say that it was carried all the time by one of the seven daughters and she relieved of her duty only on the New Year’s day when one of her sisters whose turn it was, came to carry her father’s head for the next year and the cycle was repeated thus.

Laos version of story matches with Thai version. According to Prof. Nimal Desilva (University of Moratuwa) no such folk tale exists in Sri Lanka.

5. Science of Astrology

We find the tales of the Joorshital in Nepal or Songkran in Thailand, Laos, Burma (Myanmar) all match together. Both fall in the same time and day each year, carry the same folk tale, same custom of celebrating the festival i.e. by throwing water at each other. Hence we can easily conclude that Joorshital in Nepal and Songkran in Thailand, Burma, Laos and Cambodia are one and the same but the names appear different. Although, no folk tale exists in Sri Lanka, however, the date and time are one and the same. Additionally, it is also concluded that the story is nothing but about the Solar System and the god Kapil or Kabil Maha Phrom or Asi head is no other than the Sun himself and seven daughters are the seven days of the week. The names of all the seven days of a week are named after the planets such as Saturday (Saturn), Sunday (Sun), Monday (Moon), Tuesday (Mars), Wednesday (Venus), Thursday (Brihaspat) and Friday (Sukra). Similarly, the change of seasons, the positions of planets and stars and their affects on each and every human beings luck, were distinguished with respect to the movement of the Sun. In fact, that was the period from whence ancient people had started calculation of the movement of the Solar System in greater depth and probably that was the beginning of the Science of Astrology itself!!

6. Three Questions

Before we describe how this festival is celebrated in the aforesaid south and south-east Asian countries and that in Tharu community of Nepal, one will wonder as what were the three riddles like and what were their answers. The three riddles were:
Where does the good luck (vasanawewa-as Sinhalese say) of a man rest?
(i) in the morning (ii) at the noon and (iii) in the night?

The corresponding answers given by the mother eagle were:
(i) on the face (ii) on the body and (iii) at the feet respectively.

7. Custom of Celebration

Now it will be worth to describe how this festival is celebrated by Tharu community in Nepal and that in above mentioned countries. Let us start with the Tharu community.

On the eve of the Joorshital, Tharu people clean their houses and burn all the refuse. This is the spring cleaning done as a duty in the belief that anything bad belonging to the old year will be unlucky to the owner if left and carried over to the coming New Year. On this occasion, they put on new clothes. One day before, they prepare different kinds of foods to be eaten on the following year i.e. on the Joorshital day. This is done in the belief that if one has sufficient good foods cooked on the eve and eaten on the next year day i.e. Joorshital day, the following New Year will be also equally good in terms of foods and clothes.

On this festival day, Tharu people bless and amuse themselves by throwing water at one another. The elderly Tharu people will get up early, take up bath and carry clean water in lota (jug) and will start sprinkling water on the heads of the juniors with some words of blessings while the juniors will put water on the feet of the elders. People of equal ranks, young boys and girls and friends will throw water on the body of each other. This is done in order to get well wishes and blessings from elders and friends and also to lessen the summer heat so that the New Year arrived will be cool, fruitful and beneficial throughout. Even the passersby (strangers) are poured water on their heads or hands depending upon their age and sex. Throwing water on this day is not a mere amusement, but there is a popular belief that it has some connection with the magic of having abundant rain for the coming season for cultivation. If one throws water and soaked one another abundantly on the Joorshital day, it will produce the same result on the actual rains to come on the principle of imitative magic. Furthermore, it is common belief among Tharus that there must be a rainfall on this day because on this day even the gods and goddesses amuse themselves by throwing water on each other. According to popular belief it rains because the Nagas (mythical serpents) sport themselves by spouting water from the celestial ocean. The more the spout the more abundantly the rain will fall.

Thailand observes the longest holidays (4-5 days) during this Songkran festival. In Thailand, early on the day of Songkran day, people both young and old in their new clothing repair the Wats (temples or monastery belonging to their villages or districts) and offer food to the monks there. A long table is erected in the compound of Wat where monks’ alms bowls stand in a row on either side of the table. People put boiled rice in the bowls and fruits and sweetmeats on the covers of the bowls. Such performance can be seen at Wats outside of Bangkok on Songkran day. In the afternoon, bathing ceremony of the Lord Buddha images and also of the abbot takes place. After which the well known “Water Throwing Feast” begins. Similar are the beliefs and customs of celebrating this festival in Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia.

In Sri Lankan both Sinhalese and Tamil people observe this festival. Sinhala people celebrate the new year as one of the greatest festivals with great joy and splendor by offering betel leaves and getting coconut oil on their heads from elders and monks to get blessings. They observe various traditional rituals following the various auspicious time and days during this period. They consider this period as astrological auspicious. During this period houses are spring cleaned, take bath, put on new purl color clothes and newly harvested rice cooked in milk in new pots, observe religious activities, play traditional games and music and invite friends, relatives and passing visitors and to join them to celebrate the festival. They distribute food, new clothes and give donation (dana) to temples and Buddhist monks in Viharas.

8. Beliefs

Each and every festival is rooted to some short of beliefs and so is the case with Songkran festival. Some examples of the belief in rainfall have been quoted as follow:
Sir James in his famous book “The Golden Bough Vol 1 (1958)” has written:

“Certainly the custom of drenching with water a leaf-loaded person who undoubtedly personifies vegetation, is still resorted to in Europe for the express purpose of producing rain. Similarly, the custom of throwing water on the last corn cut at harvest, or on the person who brings it home (a custom observation in Germany and France, and till lately in England and Scotland), is in some places practised with the avid intent to procure rain for the next years’ crops”.

Lung Phadung Kwaen Prachant in his book “Customs of Laos, (1964)” has written:
“Throwing of water at Songkran is an ancient custom. They believe that if the people old and young do not throw water at one another in any year, there will be a dearth of rain in that year. They believe that the playing or throwing water at each other is an imitation of the Nagas serpents sporting themselves in the cool waters of Anodat Lake (Anavatapta Lake of Himalaya Fairy Land). Such being the case, the throwing of water at each other is, therefore, a very popular custom, for it will bring rain in abundance”.

9. Appraisal/Conclusion

From the available literature, it is clear that this festival has travelled along with Buddhism from Nepal-Indian-Sri Lanka to the Indo-Chinese region of the World thousands of years ago. It is to be remembered that the Buddhism along with the new year festival in Thailand has migrated from Sri Lanka. No matter whether we call it as Joorshital or Songkran, it is one and the same, the story is same, the theme is same and vividly represents the similarity in cultures. Although, this festival has undergone several ups and downs in terms of time and space together with politically, socially and culturally, however, the essence of the festival has had remained intact-the same. This testifies the saying, “Culture never dies, it replicates.”

We find the names of seven days of a week all are named after planets and stars globally and all have affects on life of human beings. Thailand follows the names of the twelve months same as the names of horoscopes (rasis) in chronological order. The three questions indicate that the rasi (lagna-Sinhalese say) is a mobile entity with time and hence the good luck of a person. This study has opened an arena to further explore the relationship between cultures and the Science of Astrology.

In Nepal, it is pity to observe that this festival has never been given a place in the national level. It is, in fact an irony that the Tharu community so rich in culture has never ever been explored. Had this festival among Tharus of Nepal been properly explored and preserved, it would not only help to strengthen the cultural relationship between the aforesaid countries rather would change the face of the Himalyan country and it would be then a different Nepal.

The author believes if this festival is properly explored, preserved and integrated, it would definitely help to strengthen the cultural relationship, and understanding along with peace and prosperity among these countries.

Courtesy: www.tharus.org

photo credit: bsayanthan via photopin cc

Saamaa-Chakewa Festival

(A heart touching Tharu culture)
Bhulai Chaudhary

Saamaa-Chakewa is the most important festival of the Tharu women of the middle as well as the eastern Tarai of Nepal and adjoining boarder districts of India. Old as well as young women and children participate equally heartily in the Saamaa-Chakewa festival. It is neither a Parb/Pawain/Bhaakal nor Brat/Upabaas. It is, in reality, a kind of ceremony celebrated in the sweet memory of Saamaa, Saamb and Chakrawat each year in the moon-light side (up to full moon day) of the month of Kartik. It is based on the most tragic epic (dardanaak giti kaabya) of the Tharu community. The whole epic is full of very sorrowful songs. The dialogues (in forms of songs) between sister (Saamaa) and brother (Saamb), between wife (Saamaa) and husband (Chakrawat) are all heart touching. It is the immortal story of the genuine love between sister and brother, between wife and husband. At the same time, the songs are full of teachings helpful for the welfare of human beings. It not only provides the entertainment but also teaches the community the most socially-desired behaviors. It also explains Tharu culture and its origin.

Traditionally, it is considered as the social barrier of the Tharu community. There is a common proverb prevailing in the community, "SAAMAA KE MURI DUB, BAR KE MURI UG" means when a married lady used to come to her maternal place on the eve of JITIYA PAWAIN to celebrate it, she returned to her home only after the celebration of Saamaa-Chakewa festival. No husband has the right to call his wife to come home from her maternal place before Saamaa-Chakewa festival. But after Saamaa-Chakewa, it is the turn of the husband to ask his wife to come home and participate in the harvesting of paddy.

There are many beliefs behind this festival where the Tharu community believes that in ancient times (probably 2000 years ago), in the kingdom of Garbh, there was a king named Kishan Bhusan Sen. He was famous for his good name and fame. He was very honest and dear to his people. He had a very ideal wife named Aadambati. He had a very obedient daughter named Saamaa and a son named Saamb. Saamaa and Saamb used to go to school daily. It was their daily life. Both loved each other. Saamaa used to take great care of her brother. It is the burning example of love between brother and sister.

The story further goes on like this: When Saamaa was twelve years old, she was married to a prince named Chakrawat, the first son of the seventh king, Salishuk, of Maurya dynasty of the kingdom of Magadh. In the kingdom of Garbh, there was also a courtyard named Churath. He was very sincere to the king but originally he was of ill character. When Saamaa grew into a damsel (a quite beautiful lady!), Churath started to think ill of her. He wanted to take the benefit of her youth. He wanted to marry Saamaa. Once, Churath found out a favorable moment and he proposed his naked dirty thought to her. But, Saamaa could not accept his dirty proposal. She denied his dirty proposal as she was already married and was very strong in terms of her character.

Churath could not bear with it. He took it as his insult. He was very angry with Saamaa as well as very afraid of the king. He found out a trick and cleverly convinced the king about the ill character of Saamaa. The king became very angry with Saamaa. He lost himself his patience on anger and without any further inquiry he punished his daughter to exile to Brindabon, a dense forest in the north of Garbh Desh. Saamaa found Churath very guilty in this matter. Saamaa was very obedient to her father. She courageously accepted the punishment and went to exile.

Finally, this bad news burst out in the country. Saamaa's mother, brother and her husband became patience less to know this unexpected event with Saamaa. They burst into tears. They began to swim in the sea of sorrows and grief. They found Saamaa very innocent in this regards and Churath very guilty. So, they became very angry with the king and Churath. They quarreled a lot to the king and requested him to take his word back in this regards. Churath was given hard punishment. Saamb and Chakrawat tried to their best to convince Saamaa to return home from the exile. But, Saamaa listened neither to her brother nor her husband. Finally, to make the word at any cost true of her father, she did not return home instead of mountains of sorrows and pain she found in the exile.

The whole story of Saamaa - Chakewa is nothing but it is the story of pain, sorrows, grief and pity. It is the heart touching dialogue between the queen and the king, between Saamaa and brother and between Saamaa and her husband. The king realized his mistake and finally he took this unwanted event to Saamaa as her bad luck. He asked his queen to send required things to her so as to make her life better there. The queen did the same but Saamaa did not accept anything rather she involved herself on hard penance. It is believed that on account of her hard penance she got salvation of the present birth and in the next time according to her wish she got the birth of a bird, Chakewa, so that she could fulfill the interest of her brother as well as her husband at a time.

Even today, Tharu community celebrates this event on her sweet memory each year in the month of Kartik and it is hoped that it will be continued in the future too. During the whole ceremony, every night there is a practice to every sister who wishes best of her brother. This is the immemorial story of brother and sister. The cordial relationship will be remembered as long as the world exists.

The Saamaa-Chakewa festival is celebrated each year in the moonlight of the month of Kartik. The ladies start to build the statues of Saamaa, Chakewa, Satabhainya, Chugala with long mustache, Brindabone badhani, dog, Bhamara, dance party etc. with the clay mostly from just after the Chhaith brat. They color the statues and put them in a new basket made of bamboo. They put a burning lamp on her honor in the basket. They decorate the basket with flowers and paper of different colors as much as they can. Every night they celebrate it with sweet songs. After their dinner all ladies - old, young and children with their decorated baskets with Saamaa gather at a place especially at the place of a village head. Some members carry their basket on the head and some start singing and by that way they move slowly and slowly to the road and then to a house of a festival member. They are highly welcomed there. They are provided some mats there to sit on. They put their baskets on the ground there and pass 2-3 hrs by singing sweet songs. They offer a lot of blessings to their brothers and abuse a lot to wicked. They worship their Saamaa there. After that, they again move back to the first place the same way. They end the procession there formally for that night and return to their home. It continues up to Purnima till they formally end the ceremony for this year. In the night of Purnima (full moon) when they start procession from the first place they do not go to the house of a member instead of they complete a walk to the whole community the same way. It is called DAGAR BULLON. They again return to the first place and formally end the ceremony for that evening.

Next morning is the final closing of this ceremony for this year. It takes place in a showy way. All brothers help their sisters to make a very nice looking temple made of bamboo and colored papers. They carry the temple to the pond or water source. Sisters get up early in the morning, clean their houses; organize essential materials for closing the festival. They again gather at the same place as before and start their procession with sweet songs and their Saamaa towards the pond where they want to end the festival. They reach to the pond, take a bathe and worship their Saamaa and place them to the temple. Sweets are distributed to the people who participates the procession. The brothers place the temple in the centre of the pond which remains there for some time. All people return to their homes and by this way the Saamaa - Chakewa festival ends for this year. The married sisters after the end of this ceremony start to return to their husband home and engage to their business.

Some important Saamaa songs are –
Brother Saamb:
Kathile kaanaichihi he Saamaa baihini, kathile tutalau laihara se aas,
Ghar ghuri chalahu he Saamaa baihani, banti debau aadhaa raj

Sister Saamaa:
Babaa ke sampatiya he bhaiya, bhatijawa ke ho aas
Hama para gotani he bhaiya, moteria ke ho aas

Brother:
Ghara lauti chalahu he Saamaa baihani, Babaa ke debai ham gyaan
Tuhu jin ghuraba he Saamaa baihani, mohi tejab praan

Sister:
Jina yehen karahu he Saamb bhaiya, babaa ke hetai bahaut badanaam
Karam ke khonta he ham bhaiya, bidhi moraa bhelai baam

Brother:
Kaisan ke jibai he Saamaa baihani, kaisan ke pherab swans
Jin tuhu ghurab he Saamaa baihani, Jagat me bhaike hetai bahaut upahaasSister:
Jin hiyaa haara he Saamb bhaiya, jin hebu niraas
Dosar janamuwame he Saamb bhaiya, pheno lebai yeke kokhi abataar.

Courtesy: www.tharus.org
The writer can be contacted at chaudharybhulai@yahoo.com

The trap of servitude

By Bhawana Upadhyay


Sita Chaudhary, 12, helplessly watched as her uncle contracted her into an additional year of indentured servitude. She had returned to her village in Dang district of Western Nepal to visit her aunt and cousins during Maaghi, the Tharu community’s winter festival commonly observed across Nepal as Maaghe Sangkranti.

She didn’t have much to offer in her reaction; tears didn’t even well up in her eyes. An orphan since she could remember, she had learned to accept this happening as an annual ritual.

Though there is no reliable data on how many young Tharu girls are trapped in the Kamlari system, the most commonly quoted estimate is 25,000. The Kamlari system is a practice common among indigenous Tharu communities in Western Nepal wherein the family sells off their daughters—as young as six-years-old—through middlemen as bonded servants to local landlords or wealthy families in urban centres. During Maghe Sankranti (which usually falls in mid-January), Kamlaris are permitted by their landlords to visit their family to celebrate the annual winter festival. This is also the time when local middlemen are most active in villages to ‘recruit’ new Kamlari girls as well as ‘renew’ the contracts of existing ones.

As noted by many studies, poverty is the primary reason for the continuation of the Kamlari tradition. Often, indebted parents sign their daughters into servitude as the only way to settle their debts. One father who sent his children to work as a Kamlari said, “We are poor and only have a small piece of land for subsistence agriculture. It is very difficult to feed a family of seven. If the girls go to work elsewhere, we have less people to feed.”

Ignorance, narrow perspectives and regular payments to parents—though often as meagre as Rs. 5,000-6,000 a year—often result in these girls remaining Kamlaris for years with no way out of the illicit practice. The pity is that their own parents and extended family members, particularly men, fail to recognise the exploitation and abuse that these innocent girls are subjected to during their period of servitude.

In December 2008, the National Human Rights Commission urged the government to take immediate action to bring the Kamlari practice to a complete halt, citing severe human and child rights violations. But eradication of the practice has not been easy. Members of the Freed Kamaiya Society say that the system is entrenched in Tharu culture, with even some wealthy Tharu families sending their daughters into domestic servitude. This practice has been happening since indigenous Tharus lost land ownership to hill-dwellers migrating to Dang and nearby
districts in the late 1940s. This loss of land dramatically changed the existing power dynamics and most Tharu people suddenly found themselves tilling the patches they previously owned on a share-cropping basis as bonded labourers—commonly known as Kamaiyas.

In earlier days, under the Kamlari system young Tharu girls were sent to work as domestic servants in landlords’ houses in nearby villages. As soon as middlemen entered the picture, girls were increasingly brought from far-away cities, thereby enhancing their vulnerability to other forms of crime including cross-border human trafficking.

Thanks to advocacy and campaign programmes supported by various I/NGOs, civil society in Dang district achieved a notable milestone towards ending the Kamlari practice and supporting former Kamlaris. As of Jan. 14, 2009, Dang has been declared a Kamlari-free district by the District Child Welfare Committee. But unfortunately, there has not been a notable change in the local practice. I/NGO efforts need to be urgently augmented with projects that have practical behaviour-changing components.

The Supreme Court declared the Kamlari practice illegal in 2006. It was half a decade after the Supreme Court decree that corresponding regulations were introduced to outlaw the Kamlari practice. As a part of the Supreme Court decision, the government also set up a Kamlari rehabilitation fund to look after the education and welfare of former Kamlaris. This initiative has not, however, effectively rehabilitated Kamlaris to produce the desired result of ultimately eliminating the Kamlari system. With deep cultural and economic roots, this gap again substantiates the need for interventions directed at bringing about changes in community behaviour.

On May 16, 2010, there was a rally jointly organised by the Freed Kamaiya Women Development Forum (FKWDF) and the Kamaiya Women Upliftment Society (KWUS) in Dhangadhi demanding free education for ex-Kamlaris and action against those who push them into forced labour.

Later, an appeal was also submitted to the prime minister through the District Administration Office with a 12-point list including demands for rehabilitation facilities and cultivable land for the families of freed victims.

These promising pressure tactics need to be continued with greater involvement of local community-based organisations and informal groups to encourage social mobilisation. However, as the issue involves prevention, protection and prosecution elements, coordination between and support from regulatory, enforcement and other line agencies are crucial. For instance, as effective post-rescue rehabilitation and social integration are critical to ensure that former Kamlaris don’t fall back under the control of exploitative landlords, there is a need to look beyond current I/NGOs initiatives.

Courtesy: The Kathmandu Post

The Barasingha and the Tharus

I like to ask my conservation students to pick a current controversy in wildlife management and explain how they would resolve it. Most say they would implement policies that meet the needs of both people and wildlife. Yet I worry that this is more easily said than done. When the needs of vulnerable species and vulnerable people overlap, win-win situations are appealing, but difficult to achieve. Take, for example, the plight of the wetland barasingha, or swamp deer, and the indigenous Tharu people in the lowlands of southern Nepal. In this situation, the biological traits of a wild species interact with a history of policies that have inadvertently fostered resource depletion and marginalisation of native people, thereby creating a complex dilemma.

The plains, rivers, hills, and mountains of Nepal provide an intricate mosaic of contrasting microhabitats. People, plants, and animals with unique adaptations to their environment populate this landscape, resulting in extraordinary biological and cultural diversity. Some of Nepal’s peoples and species, like the Sherpas of the high mountains and the tigers of the lowland jungles, are famous. Others, like the barasingha and the Tharu, are not so well known.

The barasingha (Rucervus duvaucelii) is a relative of the North American elk (Cervus elaphus) and the European red deer (C. elaphus). Breeding adult male barasingha often has a dozen or more tines on their gracefully arching antlers. This gives them a regal appearance. Kipling wrote of a holy man helping a barasingha shed the velvet from his antlers: “little by little the royal stag nudged up his shoulder. Purun Bhagat . . . soothed the fretted beast.”

Barasinghas occur only on the Indian subcontinent. In the past, they lived along the Indus, Ganges, and Brahmaputra floodplains, in areas that are now within the borders of India, Pakistan, Bhutan, and Nepal. Since the 1960s, over 20 local populations of barasingha have become extinct, and they are now classified as Vulnerable by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Scientists recognise three forms, or subspecies, of barasingha. Of these, the wetland barasingha (R. duvaucelii) is the most numerous; however, at least 11 populations of this subspecies have disappeared in the past four decades, leaving just six populations in India and two in Nepal.

The wetland barasingha inhabits the Terai, a fertile alluvial plain extend¬ing along the base of the Himalayas. Much of the Terai supports 15-foot-tall grasses and groves of floodplain trees, with shorter grasslands, savanna, and forests of sal, a commercially valuable hardwood, on slightly higher ground. The main areas of open grassland are known as phantas. Many of the phantas were settled and farmed in the past.

The Terai is a land of contrasts and changes. Daily deluges during monsoon alternate with a prolonged dry season. Fires during the dry season and floods during the monsoon clear away vegetation. At the beginning of the dry season, groups of wetland barasingha congregate in open grassland, where they spread out in a line, standing or resting with their heads up and ears cocked. This behavior allows them to detect approaching predators and to communicate with each other (and also makes it easier for field workers to census them).

In addition to the wetland barasingha, other rare species live in the Terai, including the Bengal tiger, Asian one-horned rhinoceros, Asian elephant, hispid hare, and Bengal florican (a critically endangered bustard). Some of these species need open grassland; others require dense cover or a mixture of vegetation types. Some need wet places; others must have dry ground. Some are high priorities for tourism. Some, like the Bengal tiger, eat barasingha.

The Terai is culturally diverse as well. Partly because they have some genetic resistance to malaria (though they are not completely untouched by this debilitating disease), the Tharu historically inhabited the lowlands that outsiders considered a mysterious, dangerous, and disease ridden jungle.

As people of the frontier, Tharus occupied a subordinate position in the Nepalese social hierarchy. Nevertheless, the Government of Nepal sprayed DDT to control the malaria-transmitting mosquitoes, that large numbers of hill people, or pahari, moved into the Terai and cleared the hardwood sal forests for cultivation. Conflicts over land ownership between the Tharus and the immigrants intensified.

The outcomes of these interactions were almost always unfavourable to the Tharus. Some colonists settled on unclaimed land, but others, taking advantage of Tharu illiteracy, coerced them into signing over their fields, or appropriated their land and registered it to a new ‘owner’. New landowners then loaned money back to those who had lost their land. The borrower could supposedly pay the loan back with farm labour, but usually the arrangement led instead to permanent debt-bondage. Although this practice was outlawed in 1992, it continued because many Tharus were unaware of their legal rights. The Tharu economy is based on farming and fishing, supplemented with wild grassland and forest products. Grasses are used for walls, ceilings, baskets, mats, fans, and beds.

Actually, there are many Tharu cultures, each with its own language and custom. Until recently (when Tharus began to work together to fight poverty, discrimination, and violence), members of these groups did not intermarry, understand each other, or consider themselves to belong to the same ethnic group. But in spite of this diversity, all Tharus share a history of living in the the Terai. It was economically important to Nepal’s rulers, because of the labour Tharus supplied (as farmers and as highly skilled elephant drivers) and the revenues they paid to the state.

During the 19th and 20th centuries, some immigrants moved to the Terai from densely populated areas across the Indian border. But it was not until the 1960s, when nial lamps come from one type of grass, rope is fashioned from another, and lamp stands for the Diwali Hindu festival come from the stems of yet another.

For centuries, Tharu villagers harvested grasses from the phantas at the end of the monsoon and set fire to the remaining stubble. After studying habitat use by barasinghas in Bardiya National Park during six field seasons, biologist John Henshaw concluded that cut¬ting and deliberate burning benefit the wetland barasingha “because tall, dense and rank dry grasses provide little food value and also inhibit movement, social aggregation, and predator avoidance”. Furthermore, if the grasses are not burned, lightning strikes trigger hotter, more destructive conflagrations.

The fates of Tharus and the wetland barasinghas are intertwined. Because of the steep terrain and thin soil in Nepal’s mountains, land for agriculture is in short supply. Much of the nation’s farmland is concentrated in the fertile, well-watered Terai. As a result, this 15-mile-wide sliver of land is far more significant than its limited area (17% of Nepal) would suggest.

During the 19th and early 20th centuries, government policy toward the Terai had two contradictory objectives. One favoured exploitation; the other, protection. In order to raise revenue from farming and from timber exported to British India, the state encouraged deforestation and cultivation. In order to maintain a buffer of dense forests to discourage invaders from India, the state set aside substantial tracts. These often took the form of hunting reserves for the use of Nepalese rulers and their visitors.

A single hunting party could kill scores of tiger, leopard, rhino, wild buffalo, boar, deer, and other wildlife. Although deer were not the preferred quarry in these hunts, the number killed was not trivial. Dr Henry Ambrose Old-field, surgeon to the British residency in Nepal, described a shooting excursion in 1851 in what is now Chitwan National Park. The prime minister “proposed that he would shoot any male deer we should meet, while I was to take the females,” wrote Oldfield. Although he did not say what kind of deer they killed, the fact that the hunts took place in “tall grass which in the rain grows luxuriantly and to a great height,” suggests that many were barasinghas. Conventional wisdom has it that the hunting reserves were a plus for conservation because they protected habitat. A popular guidebook on Nepal reaches the surprising conclusion that “despite the periodic massive slaughter of such hunts [emphasis added], the wildlife population remained relatively stable”. Contrary to this version of events, it is likely that royal hunting – along with the loss and fragmentation of critical habitats – did contribute to the depletion of big game in the Terai.

Until recently, most land in Nepal was the property of the kingdom’s rulers. Only they could grant or sell land. This system created a small, wealthy landowning elite and a large population of landless tenants. In 1957 Nepal’s forests were nationalised. Although this policy sought to curb deforestation, paradoxically it had the reverse effect. To avoid losing their lands to the government, many landlords cleared their forests and converted them to private farm lands.

In the early 1970s, the Government of Nepal set aside land for the protection of wildlife and their habitats and removed all people living in the designated areas. Today approximately one fifth of the nation is in national parks, wildlife reserves, hunting reserves, conservation areas, or buffer zones. Wetland barasinghas live in two reserves at the western end of Nepal’s Terai: Shukla Phanta Wildlife Reserve (which contains the world’s largest population of this sub-species) and Bardiya National Park. Several villages were initially relocated to create the park at Bardiya, and another 9,500 people, in 1,572 families, were evicted when the park was subsequently enlarged. Some left voluntarily, but 220 families were forcibly removed.

What happened to those people? As one would expect, their welfare deteriorated dramatically when they had to move. Conflicts between relocated villagers and park personnel intensified, and attacks by wildlife on people and crops increased as well. Other consequences were less obvious but no less devastating. The social organisation of the Tharus and the transmission of traditional knowledge and skills between generations were interrupted. A Tharu woman in a resettled village explained that “There is no unity. One house is Tharu, another is hill people, and another is another caste. . . Social work is very difficult. We are not getting help from each other.” “We are missing our traditions,” stated another Tharu; “There is no place to collect snails . . . The snail is very important food for us. There is not enough water here. It is a very hard life here. Even during the festivals we are compelled not to do some things because we are not able to collect resources for the festivals.”

In an attempt to mitigate some of these problems, the Government of Nepal is moving toward a more decentralised approach to managing resources. In 1994, the government and the United Nations Development Program initiated the Parks and Peoples’ Program (PPP), which designated buffer zones within which local people are allowed to harvest resources such as fodder, fuelwood, and grass. Clearly, villagers in buffer zones within the Terai are better off now that they have access to economically and culturally valuable resources within parks. When Arun Agrawal of the University of Michigan and Krishna Gupta of New Delhi’s Ministry of Commerce and Industry interviewed households participating in the PPP, however, they found that richer and higher caste households are more likely to participate in these programmes than poorer, low-status households, the very people who depend most heavily on resources from the buffers.

Conservationists and park managers want limits to grass-cutting to be set conservatively, to avoid triggering a decline in the barasingha population. Conversely, advocates for local user groups argue that overly cautious limits on the use of park resources have negative consequences for people outside the park and point out that barasinghas benefit from open habitats. Katrina Brown at the University of East Anglia calculates that local vil¬lagers are already feeling the pinch. The amount of thatch available under park regulations is not enough to keep up with the demand for thatch to replace existing roofs when they deteriorate.

Restrictions on the availability of thatch have encouraged some households to switch to clay tiles. These are expensive. Many villagers do not have extra income to spend on tiles, but they do have time to cut thatch. Furthermore, tile production also involves its own set of ecological problems, associated with extracting and firing clay. Since fuelwood is already scarce in Nepal, replacing thatch with tile may increase, rather than reduce, environmental costs.

Barasinghas and Tharus in the Terai are caught in a situation that is not of their own making. Both are vulnerable to ecosystem degradation. The wetland barasingha is vulnerable because of its specialised habitat requirements, limited geographic range, and the isolation of its sub-populations. Tharu vulnerability stems from poverty and social disadvantage. Beacause they are cash-poor and land-poor, the Tharus rely heavily on harvesting grass and other wild products, but because of their low status they have had little say in how protected lands could be used. Unlike the deer, however, Tharus are not passive players. They are affecting the direction of change by organising to improve their welfare and increase the power of their voices. In the 1980s, young Tharus began organising literacy classes and teaching villagers about their rights. One Tharu organiser, Dilli Bahadur Chaudhari, received the Reebok Human Rights Award in 1994 for his work toward empowering Tharus.

Part of the difficulty in developing policies that sustain both biological and cultural diversity stems from the fact that biologists and social scientists look through different lenses. Fortunately, this is starting to change. Many biologists now realise that people are part of ecosystems, and social scientists recognise the dependence of human societies on biological diversity.

The legal picture is evolving as well. In 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, extending the concept of human rights to include economic, social, and cultural rights such as the right to an adequate standard of living and the right to participate in one’s com¬munity. Another half century passed before the UN formally articulated a right to be “protected against being arbitrarily displaced”. Finally, in 2007, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples explicitly applied this concept to native peoples, stating that “indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. . . without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned.” Although international law is not legally binding, these agreements reflect cur¬rent legal norms and carry considerable weight as a moral force.

As complex as this situation is, I’ve actually simplified it considerably by focusing on a single species and a single (albeit diverse) ethnic group. The picture becomes even more complicated when we include other species and ethnic groups, but the critical question remains the same: how can vulner¬able cultures and species be sustained?

The people living near protected areas in the Terai, as well as scientists, conservationists, development experts, tourists, and government officials, all value the Himalayan lowlands, but these groups value different aspects of that ecosystem and differ in their visions of how to manage it. The challenge is to meld these varied visions into fair and sustainable practices that conserve wild plants and animals, respect the rights of local users, and integrate the knowledge and insights of both villagers and outside experts.

Although the setting and the specifics are unique, similar scenarios are playing out throughout the developing world. Finding ways to meet the needs of vulnerable species and vulnerable cultures is a daunting task, but one that we cannot afford to shirk.

The author, Bertie J. Weddell, is a wildlife biologist. She can be contacted at weddellb@pullman.com.

Courtesy: ECS

Tharus employ Maghi to promote their cause

The Tharu community on Saturday marked their biggest festival, Maghi. Falling on the first day of the Nepali month of Magh, the festival coincides with the New Year for the Terai community.

Unlike in the past, the festival has not been confined to mere enjoyment. It is also an occasion for advocating the rights of the backward ethnic community.

A two-day Maghi festival has begun at Tundikhel in Kathmandu. It features Tharu cuisines such as pigeon’s meat, rat pickle, crab pickle, fish, teel ko laddu (sesame seed ball), pork curry and a variety of bread like Bagiya, Dhikri and Jharra Roti. Typical Tharu dances like Sakhiya, Hridangwa, Ghumra, Jhumra, Maghauta, Jharra and Lathwa were performed on the occasion. The festival also saw traditional handicrafts and books of the community. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal graced the event.

“We started the festival in 2002 with a view to advocating the rights of our community,” said Premi Lal Chaudhary, coordinator of the festival organising committee. “Tharu people were suppressed by the state in the past and have been subjected to barbarous systems like Kamaiya (bonded labourer) and Kamalari (bonded female labourer).”

The Maghi day starts with the Tharu people taking a bath in nearest water sources. After the bath, they touch raw dal, rice and salt and take blessings from their elders. A special song called “Dhamar” is sung on the day. Khichri (flavoured stewed rice called “Khicharawa” in Tharu) is eaten the next day. The government announced Maghi as a national festival in 2007.

Maghi is also an occasion for the Tharu community to choose their community leaders, analyse the previous year’s activities, give gifts (Nisrau) to daughters, commence the new fiscal year and discuss family issues. The occasion is celebrated also as the day of liberation as it was the only time for the Kamaiyas to take a break from their regular chores before they were legally emancipated on July 17, 2000.

“On this occasion, we demand that the government fulfill its promise of liberating and rehabilitating Kamaiyas and give priority to the education, employment and political development of the Tharus,” said Shailendra Kumar Chaudhary, member of the Tharu Students’ Society.

Courtesy: www.ekantipur.com

Tharu community celebrates Maghi

KATHMANDU, Jan 15: Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal on Friday said the government is committed to protect the rights of the indigenous Tharu community.

Inaugurating a Tharu Maghi Festival 2066 organised by different Tharu organisations under the coordination of the Kathmandu valley committee of the Tharu Welfare Council on the occasion of the Maghi festival, the prime minister said the existing hurdles to the rights of the Tharu community should be ended.


Saying that the Tharu community is rich in its traditional culture and rituals, the prime minister said the Tharus are considered the sons of the land because of their relation with the soil since ages.

He said the traditions and cultures of the country have not been developed as per expectations as the country is underdeveloped. He said the government is committed to protect and promote the culture of different ethnic groups. He said the government is planning to establish an ethnic museum in Champadevi in Kathmandu and a separate Tharu museum in Nawalparasi.

Despite declaring the end to Kamaiya system by the government, the PM admitted that there is still a long way to go for the proper management of the freed Kamaiyas.

Central general secretary of the council Raj Kumar Lekhi said the Tharu community is still facing the risk of losing its language, culture and independent identity even after the restoration of democracy. Saying that there are conspiracies in the CA to politically enslave the Tharus, Lekhi warned that any betrayal to the Tharu community will lead to a strong movement under the leadership of the council.

CA members and leaders of different parties lamented the lack of progress in the uplift of the situation of the Tharus.

Tharus are settled in 23 districts across the Terai and inner-Terai from east to west of Nepal. The government started giving public holiday to Tharu employees on Maghi from 2058 BS. From 2064 BS, the government recognised Maghi as a national festival and started giving public holiday for all employees in all government offices.

Courtesy: Republica/RSS

Read how Tharus celebrate Maghi by clicking the link
http://tharuculture.blogspot.com/2014/01/maghi-and-tharus.html

photo credit: ILO in Asia and the Pacific via photopin cc