Parks by the people and for the people

Buffer zone governance committees have made national parks participatory, but not inclusive

Birendra Mahato in Chitwan

Canoe ride on the outskirts of Chitwan National Park.

Dimar Chaudhary was born and raised in Old Padampur, the village inside what is now Chitwan National Park before it was designated a protected area.

His Tharu community, as well as other indigenous groups, traditionally relied on Chitwan’s jungles and rivers for generations. Chaudhary himself had grown up collecting medicinal plants and wild vegetables, gathering wood, and grazing cattle in the forest.

Chitwan, along with much of Nepal’s Tarai, was plagued by malaria until a US-supported DDT spraying campaign to wipe out the disease in the district in the 1950s. This opened the valley up to trans-migration of farmers from the hills. Before that, Chitwan was inhabited entirely by indigenous people: 90% of the district’s population was Tharu, and the rest were Bote, Mushar, Darai and Majhi communities.

In 1973 Chitwan National Park became Nepal's first protected area and in 1996, the Nepal government introduced the Buffer Zone Management Rule under the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act to manage forests surrounding protected areas, and ensure local participation in parks management.

Old Padampur was subsequently relocated outside the park. Ntional parks formed buffer zone user committees (BZUCs) to manage and oversee community forests. Hundreds of thousands of local people were directly involved in managing buffer zone community forests across the country.

Over three decades, these forests have not only made conservation collaborative, but also helped to mitigate wildlife-related crimes and human wildlife conflict. In 2014, 2015 and 2016, Nepal achieved zero poaching for its three flagship species: rhinos, tigers and elephants.

But while these user communities have made wildlife conservation participatory, the process hasn’t been inclusive of Nepal’s indigenous and underserved communities. In 2022, WWF supported Community Conservation Nepal to collect data on natural resources used by Tharu indigenous people before the establishment of Chitwan National Park.

The project also looked into the inclusion of indigenous, women, Dalit and disabled communities in the Baghauda, Paachpandav, Meghauli, Mrigakunja, and Amaltari Buffer Zone User Committees (BZUC) as well as the Someshwor, Gardi Chure, Radha Krishna, and Baghmara Buffer Zone Community Forests (BZCF).

Barriers to inclusion

The survey found that women are underrepresented in all the BZUCs despite women user groups being larger. Nepal’s Buffer Zone laws dictate that each BZUC has 13 members. Each BZUC is made up of nine units, and as many representatives are elected from those units. The elected members have the authority to choose the remaining four members. This meant that indigenous peoples, marginalised groups, and women have a far lower chance of being elected.

Indeed, out of the total members, Paachpandav and Mrigakunja BCUZs had four women, Meghauli had three women, and Baghauda had only one woman, whereas Amaltari user committee had no woman member.

In contrast, the BZCF are relatively more inclusive of women, with two out of four surveyed BZCF comprising half women members. Additionally, some grassroots user committees are made up entirely of women.

Most women members of the user committees are not appointed through elections, but chosen by elected male members, and are not given positions of leadership.

“Women have been the ones protecting the forests ever since the concept of forest conservation initially emerged,” one female participant told us during a focus group discussion.

People would get angry when the women stopped them from cutting down trees and grass, and grazing cattle in the jungles, she recalled, adding, “We were dedicated to the user committees. However, we are no longer involved in the committees, nor are we invited to meetings.”

When asked about the absence of women in the user committees, one BZUC chairperson responded, “There are only men here because they won the election. Women are unwilling to run for the election. How will they fit into the committee if no woman has ever run for election?”

However, not only are women deprived of the chance to contest elections, the chances of them winning polls are also very low because a majority of the positions in the committee will already have been allocated by political parties to their male cadres.

Women from marginalised communities face further hurdles.

“No male member from the Musahar community has been elected in the user community, if they had, they could have suggested that women from our community be included in the committee as well,” said a female participant from the Musahar community.

While the native Musahar and Bote people lack representation in the BZUC, indigenous people did make up the majority of the members in the committees, while Dalit members were included in some collectives. However, only one committee is led by an indigenous person. The others are chaired by upper-caste hill migrants. In addition, no committee had any representative with disabilities.

One of the key reasons for the under-representation of marginalised communities in Nepal’s BZUC is its non-inclusive policy. When Nepal’s Constitution was promulgated in 2015, residents living in proximity to protected areas across Nepal had hoped that policies relating to buffer zones and their governance would be reformed to reflect Nepal’s new socio-political reality. But this has not been the case.

However, this has not discouraged indigenous Nepalis, who have continued to demand buffer zone policy reforms that ensure the inclusion of women, indigenous and marginalised communities.

In addition to policy revision, it is necessary to reform the buffer zone election so that it is more participatory for underserved communities. Reforms should also regulate the number of members in a user group.

Similarly, the budget allocated for buffer zones must be used on activities that benefit conservation instead of local infrastructure development. Women, people with disabilities, indigenous and marginalised communities should be the primary beneficiaries of budget dispensation. Crop damage compensation, which currently is Rs10,000, can be increased by five times to Rs50,000.

Policy revisions should ultimately guarantee the rights of indigenous communities like the Sonaha, Bote and Musahar to practice their culture and traditional livelihoods and receive a formal education. Buffer Zone User Committees must apply indigenous conservation practices for park management.

Birendra Mahato is an elected member of the Ratnanagar Municipality Ward 6 and Founder Chair of the Tharu Culture Museum Research Centre in Sauraha.

Republished from the Nepali Times with the author's permission.

Park policy and the agony of tribal displacement

Most of the Tharus became landless when they refused to relocate the settlements inside the Chitwan National Park to Thori, their 'refugee life' began in their own sweat-irrigated places, the state is not ready to accept the Tharu community as a stakeholder in the park protection despite suffering too much.

Birendra Mahato

Remnants of Gainda Wildlife Camp operated inside
Chitwan National Park. Photo: Sanjib Chaudhary

Discussions and preparations to generate income by operating a hotel within Chitwan National Park have started again. Even after the establishment of the park, 7 hotels were operated in it for about 30 years. History is a witness of the lack of support in the park's income and conservation due to the operation of those hotels.

What should not be forgotten is that many settlements there were forcibly removed to establish the park. Most of which were settlements of the main tribal Tharu community of Chitwan. 

Any how the tribals are now living outside the park. After the hotels moved out of the park, around 10 five-star and more than 200 hotels are promoting tourism in Chitwan. The argument that a hotel must be kept inside the park for the expansion of tourism has faded from practice.

By displacing the Tharu tribals in the name of establishing a park, what is the contradiction of making a policy in the name of tourism and revenue growth on the ancestral lands of those tribals? If a hotel is to be operated inside the park, the government will first allow the displaced tribals to open a hotel after taking away their land? Definitely not. 

Until 2050 years ago, three families including old Padampur resident Balsingh Chaudhary (father, uncle) had 120 bigha of land inside the park. Due to the government's wrong policy in the name of wildlife protection and park expansion, Balsingh's family got only 30 bighas of land in Naya Padampur (present-day Kalika Municipality). Since the establishment of the park, 30,000 to 35,000 people have been relocated here many times.

From Koshi in Terai to Shuklaphanta, up to one lakh tribals have been relocated from the settlements inside the park. The indigenous Tharu, who have been living in the Terai since ancient times, were displaced from their ancestral lands in the name of establishing a park and in the name of the Raptidun project. They are now living like refugees in their own land.

President Ramchandra Paudel approved a bill on 24 June 2081 in the National Park which was built by displacing the Tharu, Bote, Musahar, Kumals. National priority project, investment in any area within national park, reserve or conservation area or intermediate area in order to maintain nature and human coexistence, except for the area specified in section 5 a of section 6, sub-section 1 of the 'National Parks and Wildlife Protection Act 2029 Amendment' Act. It has been added that the government of Nepal can give approval as prescribed to conduct projects approved by the board or projects of national pride. This means that the way is being opened to open a tourist hotel within the park. 

The history of the park 

Established in 1872, America's 'Yellow Stone National Park' is the first national park in the world. One hundred years later, in 1973, the first national park of Nepal was established - Chitwan National Park. It should not be different from the imitation of 'Yellow Stone Park' here as well. Just as in America the concept was that no habitations and domestic animals should be allowed inside the park, the same was applied here. However, before the establishment of the park, the tribal Tharu, Bote, Musahar, Kumal communities living here were not studied in detail, nor were they treated humanely.

Rapti River flows by the Chitwan National Park.
Photo: Sanjib Chaudhary

Rampreet Yadav, a member of Chitwan Park's survey team and Chitwan National Park's founding conservation officer, says he learned about wildlife conservation from the Tharus. "At first, we only read how to protect plants in books, while working in the park during the beginning, we learned how to protect wildlife from the Tharu tribals, and later, their knowledge and skills greatly helped in the protection of the park," he says.

Before the establishment of the park, thousands of tribals lived here. Cows were allowed to graze, wood needed to build houses and bote-musahar were open to fish in the river. As the main occupation of the Tharu community is agriculture, they used the area as pasture for cattle rearing.

According to Jit Bahadur Chaudhary, a resident of Padampur, there were about 300 cows and 50-60 buffaloes in his house alone. He says that after the establishment of the park, all the cattle were sold because they could not find a place to graze them. Since it was not easy for the Tharus to do agriculture without property, the rules of the park greatly affected their lives. 

The Tharu were not the only ones making noise inside the park. In winter, a large amount of cattle and buffaloes were brought from the Indian settlements across the border to graze. Cattle brought from there were often kept near the Narayani river bank. At present, the new tourist area of ​​Meghauli is called Golaghat because people who come from India to graze cattle live in the famous place.

In India, people who graze cattle are also called Gola. Before the establishment of the park, there were 20 percent grasslands in the park area as it was a grazing area of ​​Nepal-India as well. Lakes and wetlands within the park were being protected due to the construction of a channel for irrigation of crops from the Churia area. 

The adivasis who have been living since ancient times have made a great contribution to the protection of forests. Their role is important in grassland management, wetland conservation, wild animal conservation within the park. Their traditional knowledge played a major role in this work. Grasslands and water resources needed by wild animals were protected by Tharu through traditional knowledge and skills.

During the time when they were protecting the forest, the number of one-horned rhinos was very high in the park. In 1950, almost two and a half decades before the establishment of the park, the number of rhinos was more than 800, according to the records of the park department. But even after 50 years of the establishment of the park, the number of rhinos has not reached the same level as when the Tharus protected it.

Before the establishment of the park, it was customary to hunt tigers, rhinoceros, etc. in the forest of Chitwan by the royal family of Nepal, the Rana family and foreigners or British royal families. In this way hundreds of wild animals were hunted in the park every year. Even during the game of hunting, the same Tharu suffered. Every year when the royal family came to hunt, a road had to be prepared for their vehicles to pass smoothly. The Tharus used their own resources and tools to build a 65 km road from Hetaunda to Chitwan for months.

Not only that, rice and khasi should be provided free from all Tharu villages for the food of 100-200 soldiers during the hunt. Looking at the history of the park, it seems that the Tharus were working to protect wildlife, while the then rulers and the British royal family continued to hunt tigers and rhinos. How unfair would it be to call those tribal Tharus anti-conservation now?

About 22,000 people who migrated from the hills were relocated around 1962 during the establishment of the park, while 3-4,000 Tharu and Bote were removed from the Madi area. Around 1973, Kumal village was shifted from Sukibhar and the rest outside the park by 2000–2010.

In 1962, when the Khutuwa, Kachuhani and Raptidun programs were over, when the new people from the hills were removed from the park, the tribal Tharus did not want to leave their land, relatives, friends and go to a place where there are no farming facilities. However, those who came from the hills easily moved to another location. The Tharus refused to move out of the park. For that, their house was demolished by the park administration with elephants and army. In this way, the Tharus who did not want to go to Thori were forced to take shelter outside the park or with their relatives who lived in intermediate areas. That is, those tribals were forced to live as refugees in the land where they were born.

Shree Jankauli Bufferzone Forest Users Group Office.
Photo: Sanjib Chaudhary

Tribals who lost their ownership

People who migrated from the hills after the eradication of malaria got free land outside the park. However, the Tharus, who had been settled since ancient times, were made squatters by the Nikunja rules. The settlement of the Tharus was an advanced and cultivated land before the construction of the park. There was also an irrigation facility for farming in that place. In the name of Raptidun program, in 1954-1962, the land outside Nikunj and the land cultivated by the Tharus were distributed to the people from the hills. After that, there was no arable land left anywhere outside the park. 

Before the large-scale migration from the hills, all areas of Chitwan were dominated by Tharus. Now they are named only for inclusion in the political and administrative spheres, their ownership in decisions is almost nil. 

Until 1962, the idea that a park should be built in Nepal was not developed. It was only a decade later that Chitwan National Park was established. After that, the village management initiative started within the park. Until then, the arable land had been distributed to the people from the hills. Most of the Tharus became landless when they refused to transfer the villages inside the park to thori. Their life as a refugee began in their own sweaty place. Even after tolerating such excesses, the state is not ready to accept the Tharu community as a stakeholder in the park protection. 

Chitwan National Park was established by forcing thousands of Tharus to leave their ancestral home. However, the government and international organizations working in the field of conservation are not ready to accept the contribution made by the same Tharus for the conservation of the park. 

- Conservationist Birendra Mahato Tharu is the founding chairman of the Cultural Museum and Research Centre, Sauraha.

Republished from Kantipur with the author's permission.

निकुञ्ज नीति र आदिवासी विस्थापनको व्यथा

 चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जभित्रका बस्तीलाई ठोरीमा स्थानान्तरण गर्न नमान्दा अधिकांश थारू भूमिहीन हुन पुगे, आफ्नै पसिना सिञ्चित ठाउँमा उनीहरूको ‘शरणार्थी जीवन’ सुरु भयो, ज्यादती सहँदा पनि थारू समुदायलाई निकुञ्ज संरक्षणको हिस्सेदार मान्न राज्य तयार छैन।

वीरेन्द्र महतो

चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जभित्र सञ्चालन गरिएको गैँडा वाइल्डलाइफ
क्याम्पका भग्नावशेष। फोटोः संजीव चौधरी। 

चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जभित्र होटल सञ्चालन गरेर आम्दानी गर्ने चर्चा र तयारी फेरि सुरु भएको छ। निकुञ्ज स्थापनापश्चात् पनि त्यहाँभित्र लगभग ३० वर्षसम्म ७ वटा होटल सञ्चालन गरिएको थियो। ती होटल सञ्चालन गरेबापत निकुञ्जको आम्दानीमा र संरक्षणमा खासै सहयोग नपुगेको इतिहास साक्षी छ।

बिर्सन नहुने कुरा के छ भने निकुञ्ज स्थापना गर्न भनेर त्यहाँ भएका धेरै बस्ती बलपूर्वक हटाइएको थियो। जसमा अधिकांश चितवनका मुख्य आदिवासी थारू समुदायका बस्ती थिए। 

अहिले निकुञ्जबाहिर जेनतेन आदिवासीहरू बसिरहेका छन्। जब निकुञ्जबाट होटलहरू बाहिर सरे त्यसपछि लगभग १० पाँचतारे र दुई सय वटाभन्दा बढी होटलले चितवनको पर्यटन प्रवर्द्धन गरिरहेका छन्। पर्यटन विस्तारका लागि निकुञ्जभित्र होटल राख्नैपर्छ भन्ने तर्क व्यवहारबाटै फिक्का भइसकेको छ।

थारू आदिवासीलाई निकुञ्ज स्थापनाका नाममा विस्थापित गरेर, तिनै आदिवासीको पुर्खाको जग्गामा पर्यटन र राजस्व वृद्धिका नाममा नीति बनाउनु कस्तो विरोधाभास। यदि निकुञ्जभित्र होटल सञ्चालन गर्ने हो भने सबैभन्दा पहिला त्यहींको जमिन खोसिएर विस्थापित गराइएका आदिवासीलाई होटल खोल्न सरकारले दिन्छ? पक्कै दिँदैन। 

२०५० सालअघिसम्म पुरानो पदमपुर निवासी बालसिंह चौधरीसहित (बुवा, काका) तीन परिवारको निकुञ्जभित्र १२० बिघा जग्गा थियो। वन्यजन्तु संरक्षण र निकुञ्ज विस्तारका नाममा सरकारको गलत नीतिले बालसिंहको परिवारले नयाँ पदमपुर (हालको कालिका नगरपालिका) मा जम्मा ३० बिघा मात्र जग्गा पायो। निकुञ्ज स्थापनायता यहाँ पटक–पटक गरी ३० देखि ३५ हजार जनसंख्यालाई बाहिर स्थानान्तरण गरिएको छ।

तराईको कोशीदेखि शुक्लाफाँटासम्म निकुञ्जभित्रका बस्तीबाट एक लाखसम्म आदिवासीहरू स्थानान्तरण गरिएका छन्। आदिमकालदेखि बसोबास गरिरहेका तराईका धर्तीपुत्र आदिवासी थारूलाई निकुञ्ज स्थापनाको नाममा र राप्तीदुन परियोजनाका नाममा पुर्खाले आर्जेको जग्गाबाट विस्थापित गराइयो। उनीहरू अहिले आफ्नै भूमिमा शरणार्थीको जस्तै जीवन बाँचिरहेका छन्।

थारू, बोटे, मुसहर, कुमालहरू विस्थापित गरी बनाइएको राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जमा २०८१ असार २४ गते राष्ट्रपति रामचन्द्र पौडेलले एक विधेयक प्रमाणीकरण गरे। ‘राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज तथा वन्यजन्तु संरक्षण ऐन २०२९ संशोधन’ ऐनको दफा ६ को उपदफा १ मा ‘दफा ५ क’ बमोजिम तोकिएको क्षेत्रबाहेक राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज, आरक्ष वा संरक्षण क्षेत्रभित्रको कुनै क्षेत्र वा मध्यवर्ती क्षेत्रमा प्रकृति र मानव सहअस्तित्व कायम हुने गरी राष्ट्रिय प्राथमिकता प्राप्त आयोजना, लगानी बोर्डबाट स्वीकृत आयोजना वा राष्ट्रिय गौरवको आयोजना सञ्चालन गर्न नेपाल सरकारले तोकिएकोबमोजिम स्वीकृति दिन सक्नेछ’ भनी थप गरिएको छ। यसबाटै बुझिन्छ कि निकुञ्जभित्र पर्यटक होटल खोल्नका लागि बाटो खोलिँदै छ। 

निकुञ्जको इतिहास 

सन् १८७२ मा स्थापना भएको अमेरिकाको ‘यल्लो स्टोन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज’ संसारको पहिलो राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज हो । त्यसकै एक सय वर्षपछि सन् १९७३ मा नेपालको पहिलो राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज स्थापना भयो– चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज। यहाँ पनि ‘यल्लो स्टोन निकुञ्ज’ कै नक्कल गरिएको थियो भन्दा फरक नपर्ला। जसरी अमेरिकामा निकुञ्जभित्र कुनै पनि बस्ती र घरपालुवा जनावरको प्रवेश हुनु हुँदैन भन्ने अवधारणा थियो, यहाँ त्यही लागू गरियो। तर, निकुञ्ज स्थापनाअघि यहाँ बसोबास गर्ने आदिवासी थारू, बोटे, मुसहर, कुमाल समुदायले विस्तृत रूपमा संरक्षण गरेका कामको अध्ययन त भएन नै, उनीहरूलाई मानवीय व्यवहारसमेत गरिएन।

चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जको सिमाना हुँदै बग्ने राप्ती नदी।
फोटोः संजीव चौधरी। 

चितवन निकुञ्जका सर्वे टोलीका सदस्य तथा चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जका संस्थापक संरक्षण अधिकृत रामप्रित यादव थारूहरूबाटै वन्यजन्तु संरक्षणबारे सिकेको बताउँछन्। ‘पहिला हामीले किताबमा बोटबिरुवा कसरी जोगाउने भनेर मात्र पढेका थियौं, सुरुवातको समयमा निकुञ्जमा काम गर्दा थारू आदिवासीसँग वन्यजन्तुको संरक्षण कसरी गर्न सकिन्छ भनेर सिक्यौं र पछि उनीहरूकै ज्ञान सीपबाट निकुञ्जको संरक्षणमा ठूलो सहयोग पुग्यो,’ उनी भन्छन्।

निकुञ्ज स्थापनाअघि यहाँ हजारौंको संख्यामा आदिवासीको बसोबास थियो। गाईगोरु चराउन, घर बनाउन आवश्यक काठ–दाउरा लिन र बोटे–मुसहरलाई खोलामा माछा मार्न खुला थियो। थारू समुदायको मुख्य पेसा कृषि भएकाले गाईगोरु पालनका लागि त्यस क्षेत्रलाई चरिचरनका रूपमा उपयोग गर्थे।

पदमपुर निवासी जितबहादुर चौधरीका अनुसार उनको घरमा मात्रै लगभग तीन सय गाईगोरु, ५०–६० भैंसी थिए। निकुञ्ज स्थापनापछि चरिचरन गराउन ठाउँ नपाएपछि सबै गाईबस्तु बेचिदिएको उनी सुनाउँछन्। थारूहरूलाई बस्तुभाउबिना कृषि पेसा गर्न सहज नभएपछि निकुञ्जको नियमले उनीहरूको जनजीवनमा निकै नै असर गर्‍यो। 

निकुञ्जभित्र थारूले मात्र चरिचरन गराउँदैनथे। हिउँदमा सीमापारिका भारतीय बस्तीबाट पनि ठूलो मात्रामा गाईगोरु, भैंसी चराउन ल्याउने गरिन्थ्यो। उताबाट ल्याएका गाईभैंसी प्रायः नारायणी नदी किनारतिर राखिन्थ्यो। हाल मेघौलीको नयाँ पर्यटन क्षेत्र गोलाघाटको नामले प्रसिद्ध ठाउँमा भारतबाट गाईगोरु चराउन आउने मान्छे बस्ने भएकाले नै गोलाघाट भनिएको हो।

भारतमा गाईगोरु चराउने मान्छेहरूलाई गोला पनि भन्ने गरिन्छ। निकुञ्ज स्थापनाअघि नेपाल–भारतको समेत चरिचरन क्षेत्र हुनाले निकुञ्ज क्षेत्रभित्र २० प्रतिशत घाँसे मैदान थिए। चुरिया क्षेत्रबाट खेतीको सिँचाइका लागि कुलो बनाएका कारण निकुञ्जभित्रका ताल, सिमसारहरूको संरक्षण भइरहेको थियो। 

आदिकालदेखि नै बसोबास गरिरहेका आदिवासीले वनजंगलको संरक्षणमा निकै ठूलो योगदान पुर्‍याएका थिए। निकुञ्जभित्रका घाँसे मैदान व्यवस्थापन, सिमसार संरक्षण, जंगली जनावरको संरक्षणमा उनीहरूको भूमिका महत्त्वपूर्ण छ। यस काममा उनीहरूको परम्परागत ज्ञानको ठूलो भूमिका थियो। जंगली जनावरलाई चाहिने घाँसे मैदान र पानीका स्रोतलाई थारूले परम्परागत ज्ञान, सीपबाट संरक्षण गरेर राखेका थिए।

उनीहरूले जंगलको संरक्षण गरिराखेको समयमा निकुञ्जमा एकसिंगे गैंडाको संख्या धेरै नै थियो। निकुञ्ज स्थापना हुनुभन्दा झन्डै अढाई दशकअघि सन् १९५० मा गैंडाको संख्या ८०० भन्दा बढी रहेको प्रमाण निकुञ्ज विभागको अभिलेखमा देखिन्छ। तर निकुञ्ज स्थापनाको ५० वर्ष पुगिसक्दा पनि थारूहरूले संरक्षण गरेको बेलाका जति गैंडाको संख्या पुग्न नसक्नुले नै यस कुराको पुष्टि गर्छ।

निकुञ्ज स्थापना हुनुअघि चितवनको जंगलमा नेपालका राजपरिवार, राणा परिवार र विदेशी वा बेलायतका राजपरिवारबाट समेत बाघ, गैंडा आदिको सिकार गर्ने चलन थियो । यसरी हरेक वर्ष निकुञ्जमा सयौं वन्यजन्तुको सिकार हुन्थ्यो। सिकार खेल्ने समयमा पनि तिनै थारूले दुःख पाउँथे । हरेक वर्ष राजपरिवार सिकार खेल्न आउँदा तिनका सवारीसाधनलाई सहज गुड्ने बाटो तयार गर्नुपर्थ्यो। हेटौंडाबाट चितवनसम्म लगभग ६५ किलोमिटर गाडी गुड्ने बाटो बनाउन थारूहरूले आफ्नै स्रोत, साधन प्रयोग गरी महिनौं लगाउँथे।

त्यति मात्र नभई सिकारको समयमा १००–२०० फौजीको खानाका लागि चामल, खसी सबै थारू गाउँबाट निःशुल्क उपलब्ध गराउनुपर्ने हुन्थ्यो। निकुञ्जको इतिहास हेर्दा थारूहरू वन्यजन्तुको संरक्षणमा खटिइरहने, तत्कालीन शासक तथा बेलायतका राजपरिवारले भने बाघ र गैंडाको सिकार गरिरहने देखिन्छ। अहिले तिनै आदिवासी थारूहरूलाई संरक्षण विरोधीको संज्ञा दिँदा कति अन्याय हुन्छ होला?

पहाडबाट बसाइँ सरी आएका लगभग २२ हजार मानिसलाई निकुञ्ज स्थापनाका समयमा सन् १९६२ तिर स्थानान्तरण गरियो भने माडी क्षेत्रबाट तीन–चार हजार थारू तथा बोटेलाई हटाइयो। सन् १९७३ तिर सुकिभारबाट कुमाल गाउँ र सन् २०००–२०१० सम्म बाँकीलाई निकुञ्जभन्दा बाहिर स्थानान्तरण गरियो।

सन् १९६२ मा खुटुवा, कचुहानी र राप्तीदुन कार्यक्रम सकिएपछि अन्तिम समयमा पहाडबाट आएका नयाँ मान्छेलाई निकुञ्जबाट हटाउँदा सट्टाभर्नाबापत पर्साको ठोरीमा जग्गा दिँदा आदिवासी थारू आफ्नो भूभाग, नाता, इष्टमित्र छाडेर खेतीको सुविधा नभएको ठाउँमा जान चाहेनन्। तर, पहाडबाट आएकाहरू सजिलै अर्को स्थानमा गए। थारूहरू भने निकुञ्जभित्रबाट सर्न मानेनन्। त्यसबापत उनीहरूको घर हात्ती र सेना लगाएर निकुञ्ज प्रशासनले भत्काइदियो। यसरी ठोरी जान नमानेका थारूलाई निकुञ्जबाहिर वा मध्यवर्ती क्षेत्रमा बसोबास गरेका आफन्तकहाँ शरण लिन बाध्य पारियो। अर्थात्, ती आदिवासी आफू जन्मेकै भूभागमा शरणार्थीको जीवन बिताउन बाध्य भए।

श्री जनकौली मध्यवर्ती सामुदायिक वन उपभोक्ता समूहको कार्यालय।
फोटोः संजीव चौधरी। 

स्वामित्व गुमाएका आदिवासी

औलो उन्मूलनपश्चात् पहाडबाट सरेर आएका मानिसले निकुञ्जबाहिर निःशुल्क रूपमा जग्गा पाए। तर, आदिकालदेखि नै बसोबास गरिआएका थारूहरूलाई निकुञ्जको नियमले सुकुम्बासी बनायो। थारूहरूको बस्ती निकुञ्ज निर्माणअघि उन्नत र उब्जाउशील भूभाग थियो। त्यस ठाउँमा खेतीपातीका लागि सिँचाइको सुविधा पनि थियो। राप्तीदुन कार्यक्रमका नाममा सन् १९५४–१९६२ मा निकुञ्जबाहिरको जग्गा र थारूले खेतीपाती गरिरहेको जग्गा पहाडबाट आएका मान्छेलाई वितरण गरियो। त्यसपछि निकुञ्जबाहिर कहींकतै पनि खेतीयोग्य जमिन बाँकी रहेन। 

पहाडबाट ठूलो मात्रामा बसाइँसराइ हुनुअघि चितवनका सबै क्षेत्रमा थारूकै बाहुल्य थियो। अहिले उनीहरूको नाम राजनैतिक र प्रशासनिक क्षेत्रमा समावेशिताका लागि मात्रै राखिएको हुन्छ, निर्णयमा उनीहरूको स्वामित्व करिब शून्य नै हुन्छ। 

सन् १९६२ सम्म नेपालमा निकुञ्ज बनाउनुपर्छ भन्ने सोचको विकास भएकै थिएन। त्यसको दशकपछि मात्रै चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्ज बनेको हो। त्यसपछि निकुञ्जभित्र परेका गाउँ व्यवस्थापनको पहल सुरु भयो। त्यतिन्जेलसम्म खेतीयोग्य जमिन पहाडबाट आएका मान्छेलाई वितरण गरिसकिएको थियो। निकुञ्जभित्रका गाउँलाई ठोरीमा स्थानान्तरण गर्न नमान्दा अधिकांश थारू भूमिहीन हुन पुगे। आफ्नै पसिना सिञ्चित ठाउँमा उनीहरूको शरणार्थी जीवन सुरु भयो। यत्रो ज्यादती सहँदा पनि आजसम्म थारू समुदायलाई निकुञ्ज संरक्षणको हिस्सेदार मान्न राज्य तयार छैन। 

हजारौं थारूलाई आफ्नो पुर्ख्यौली थतथलो छोड्न बाध्य पारेर चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जको स्थापना भएको हो। तर, सरकार तथा संरक्षण क्षेत्रमा काम गर्ने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संघसंस्थाहरू निकुञ्ज संरक्षणका लागि तिनै थारूहरूले दिएको योगदान स्विकार्न तयार छैनन्। 

- संरक्षणकर्मी वीरेन्द्र महतो थारू सांस्कृतिक संग्रहालय तथा अनुसन्धान केन्द्र, सौराहाका संस्थापक अध्यक्ष हुन्।

Republished from Kantipur with the author's permission.

ट्याटु अर्थात् पुर्खाको निसानी

ट्याटु खोप्दा मसीमा आमाको दुध पनि मिसाइन्थ्यो। यसको अर्थ अर्को जुनीमा यही आमाको कोखबाट जन्मिन पाऊँ भन्ने हो।

इन्दु थारू

ट्याटु छालामा सियोमार्फत मसी हालेर बनाइने आकृति वा अक्षर हो। फेसनका रूपमा फस्टाइरहेको ट्याटु थारू समुदायमा भने दशकौँ पहिलादेखि प्रचलनमा थियो। थारू समुदायमा यसलाई टीका छेड्नाको रूपमा चिनिन्छ। टीकाको अर्थ मार्क वा डट र छेड्नाको अर्थ छेड्नु हो। टीका छेड्नालाई विभिन्न नाम दिइएको छ। टीका छेड्ना (पश्चिम तराई–दाङदेखि कञ्चनपुरका डंगाहा थारू र देउखुरिया थारू)को रूपमा प्रचलित छ। लीला (लीला छेडन वा लिगा गोदन–राना थारू र कठरिया थारू)मा र खोदना/गोदना (दाङदेखि पूर्वका थारू)मा प्रचलित रहेको पाइन्छ।

सियो, धागो, दियो, हुक्का, तोरीको तेल, बेसारलगायत सामग्रीबाट टीका छेड्ना बनाइन्छ। हामीसम्म यो कला हस्तान्तरण हुन निकै कठिन भयो। मेरी आमा र हजुरआमासँग यो सिप थियो। मसम्म आइपुग्दा खोप्ने र खोपाउने दुवै रोकियो। तर, बिस्तारै मेरो पुस्ताले यसलाई ब्युँताउन सफल भएको छ।

थारू समुदायमा टीका छेड्ना कहिलेदेखि सुरु भयो ? यकिन छैन। तर, मैले अध्ययन गरेअनुसार यो प्रचलन सयौँ वर्ष पुरानो छ। अनुसन्धानका क्रममा मैले ९० वर्षको हजुरआमासँग कुरा गर्दा उनीहरूले पनि आफ्नो हजुरआमासँग सिकेको सुनाउँछन्।

फोटोः इन्दु थारू। अनुमतिमा प्रयोग गरिएको।

यसकारण टीका छेड्ना 

टीका छेड्नुको अनेक कारण छन्। यही नै सत्य हो भन्ने छैन। धेरैले भन्छन्, हामी मरेपछि लैजाने ट्याटु मात्र हो । थारू समुदायमा हामी मरेपछि ‘भवन्वन घर’ अर्थात् भगवान्को घर जान्छौँ भन्ने मान्यता छ। स्वर्ग/नर्कको भने भाष्य छैन। तर, हिन्दु धर्मको प्रभावका कारण कतिपयले स्वर्ग र नर्क पनि भन्ने गरेका छन्। मरेपछि भगवान्को घर जान्छौँ। त्यो घर धेरै टाढा होला! त्यो घर जाँदै गर्दा थाक्छौ होला! त्यो भगवान्को घर कसरी जाने ? यसैको सिलसिलामा धेरै आकृति बनेको देखिन्छ। जस्तै– घोडा चढेर जाने भन्ने लागेर हुन सक्छ घोडाको आकृति बन्यो। जाँदाजाँदै थकाइ लाग्दा कहाँ बस्ने ? त्यसैले मचिया अर्थात् खटिया बनेका छन्। भोक लाग्छ। त्यसकारण चुल्होको आकृति बन्यो। तरकारीको रूपमा प्रयोग गरिने आलु, भन्टाको आकृति बन्यो। हाम्रो दैनिक जीवनमा प्रयोग हुने विभिन्न आकृति बन्यो। 

फोटोः इन्दु थारू। अनुमतिमा प्रयोग गरिएको।

दाङ र देउखुरी उपत्यकाका थारूको भाषा, संस्कृति र टीका छेड्ना बनाउने तरिका फरक–फरक छ। दाङका महिलामा टीका छेड्ना माइतीको उपहारको रूपमा बनाइन्छ। त्यहाँका छोरीले विवाह गर्ने वेला वा विवाह भएपछि टीका छेड्ना बनाउँछन्। त्यो छोरीले टीका छेड्ना बनाएपछि बनाउने व्यक्तिलाई टिकिनिहा अर्थात् पैसा तिर्नुपर्‍यो। अनुसन्धानका क्रममा मैले एक–दुई रुपैयाँसम्म तिरेको भेटेँ। त्यसबाहेक चामल, अन्डा, रक्सी दिएको भेटेँ। छोरीले त्यो आकृति बनाए पनि त्यो पैसा र सामग्री माइतीले तिर्छन्। देउखुरिया महिलाहरूमा भने सखीसखी अर्थात् साथी–साथीबिच एकले अर्कोलाई खोपाउने चलन छ।

यो कुरा मैले हजुरआमाबाट सुनेपछि छोरीको माइतीसँग सम्बन्ध, आत्मीयता, माइतीको उपहार शरीरमै बोकिरहेको हुने रहेछन् भन्ने जानकारी पाएँ। कतिपय हजुरआमाका अनुसार विवाहपछि महिलाहरू कताकता पुग्छन्। सखी अर्थात् साथी सम्झने माध्यम टीका छेड्ना बन्छ। यो बनाउने अर्को कारण हिलिङ अर्थात् उपचार पद्धति पनि हो। हजुरआमाहरूका अनुसार पहिला खुट्टा धेरै दुख्थ्यो। यो बनाएपछि दुख्न छोड्यो।

पहिले ट्याटु खोप्दा मसीमा आमाको दुध पनि मिसाइन्थ्यो। यसको अर्थ अर्को जुनीमा यही आमाको कोखबाट जन्मिन पाऊँ भन्ने हो। टीका छेड्ना माया दर्साउने तरिका पनि हो। कतिपय हजुरआमाले नयाँ बुट्टा डिजाइन गर्नुभन्दा आफ्ना आमा, दिदी, हजुरआमाले बनाएका आकृति नै धारण गर्ने गरेका छन्। यसले मौलिकपनको निरन्तरतालाई कायम राखेको छ। थारू समुदायमा सबैले बनाउने बुट्टा वा आकृति एकै किसिमको हुन्छ। शरीरको ठाउँ भने फरक हुन सक्छ। यो महिलाले महिलाको लागि मात्र बनाउँछन्। छोरीहरूले १० देखि २० वर्षको उमेरमा खोपिसक्छन्।

फोटोः इन्दु थारू। अनुमतिमा प्रयोग गरिएको।

ओझेल पर्नुको कारण 

टीका छेड्ना मेरो आमाको हातखुट्टामा छ। मैले उहाँको शरीरको त्यो आकृति धेरै लामो समयपछि मात्र देखेँ। गाउँबाट पढ्न हामी धनगढी बजार आयौँ। यहाँ आउनेबित्तिकै यही आकृतिकै कारण मेरी आमाले हेपाइ सहनुपर्‍यो। के बनाएको ? किन राम्रो शरीर बिगारेको ? त्यसपछि मेरो आमाले पूरा बाहुला भएको लुगा लगाउन थालिन्। त्यो हेपाइको कारण हामीलाई कहिल्यै भनिनन्। मेरो पालादेखि हामी विद्यालय जान थाल्यौँ। विद्यालयको अनुशासनमा बस्नुपर्‍यो। ड्रेस कोड झेल्नुपर्‍यो। टीका छेड्ना बनाएर जान सक्ने अवस्था रहेन। एकल सांस्कृतिक प्रभुत्वका कारण हामीमाझ यो बिस्तारै ओझेल पर्‍यो। हाम्रो कलालाई कला नै मानिएन।

राज्यका नीति, आधुनिकताको दबाब, भेदभाव र लाजको भावनाले पुस्तान्तरण रोकियो। यही कारण कतिपय अवस्थामा परिवारका सदस्य नै टीका छेड्नाका लागि बाधक भए। टीका छेड्नाकै कारण उनीहरूमा अपराधबोध हुने अवस्था आयो। 

यो संस्कृति जोगाउनु आवश्यक छ। पुस्तान्तरण हुनु आवश्यक पनि छ। त्यसैले, मैले एक वर्ष लगाएर टीका छेड्ना सिकेँ। मैले बनाउन सिकेपछि हजुरआमालाई सुनाएँ। त्यसपछि उहाँको प्रतिक्रिया थियो, ‘तिमीले पुर्खालाई बोक्यौ। मलाई गौरवको महसुस भयो।’ हामीमाझ पुर्खा छैनन्। तर, ती पुर्खा ट्याटुको रूपमा हामीमाझ रहेका छन्। हामीले पुर्खा बोकिरहेका छौँ।

कतिपयले यसलाई सुन्दरतासँग जोडेर मात्र हेर्छन्। कतिपय हजुरआमाले राम्री हुने रहर लागेकोले बनाएको भन्छन्। तर, उहाँहरूसँग लामो कुरा गर्दा आमा, साथी र पुर्खासँगको सम्बन्धबारे पछि मात्र कुरा आउँछ। अहिले ट्याटु फेसनको रूपमा खोप्ने चलन छ। टीका छेड्नाको महत्व थाहा नभएर होला धेरैले अनेकौँ आकृति बनाइरहेका छन्।

फोटोः इन्दु थारू। अनुमतिमा प्रयोग गरिएको।

अहिले थारू ट्याटु भनेर प्रचारप्रसार गरेपछि धेरैले मलाई पनि बनाइदिनुपर्‍यो भनेर आइरहेका छन्। हामीले टीका छेड्ना कन्भेसन पनि गर्‍यौँ। पाँच जिल्लाबाट १२ जना हजुरआमाबाट तीन दिनमा मसी बनाउनेदेखि छेड्नेसम्मको अभ्यास गर्‍यौँ। टीका छेड्नमा हातले छेड्ने र मेसिनको प्रयोग दुवै हुने गरेको छ। पहिलेकोजस्तो सुविधा नभएकाले अहिले बजारको मसी प्रयोग गरेर काम गरिरहेको छु।

७० को दशकमा हिँडिरहेका महिलापछि यो कला सकिने अवस्थामा पुगेको थियो। तर, अब यसबारे चर्चा बढिसकेको छ। धेरै नयाँ साथीहरू हामीलाई पनि बनाइदिनु भनेर आइरहेका छन्। धेरैले यसमा रुचि पनि देखाइरहेका छन्। यसको महत्व खोजिरहेका छन्। बुझिरहेका छन्। आदिवासीको पहिचान, इतिहास जोगाऔँ भन्ने धेरै बहस, छलफल भए। त्यसले पनि टीका छेड्ना कला ब्युँताउन सहयोग मिलेको छ। मैले अहिले आदिवासी ट्याटु मात्र खोप्ने विचार गरेको छु। कसैले मलाई फूल बनाइदेऊ भन्छन् भने बनाउँदिनँ। ४० वर्षदेखि रोकिएको कुरा हामीले बुझेर गर्न थाल्यौँ। नयाँ पुस्ताले बु्झ्नेबित्तिकै अर्को पुस्तामा हस्तान्तरण हुन्छ। 

(अध्येता थारूसँग शान्ति तामाङले गरेको कुराकानीमा आधारित) 

 

Republished from Naya Patrika with the author's permission.  

Inking identity – the stories behind Tharu tattoo motifs

A fish tattoo on the hands of Bhuti Devi Chaudhary from Sunsari

Many indigenous peoples throughout the world have inked tattoos – for aesthetic reasons and for abiding with their culture and traditions, not to mention the Tharu women living in Nepal’s southern plains who have tattooed themselves for various reasons.

Although the younger generation no longer get inked with traditional motifs, the khodaha, godna or tika as they call tattoos in their languages have many interesting stories to tell.

Tharu women in the Eastern Nepal got inked by Nats, a nomadic ethnic group 

Ghurni Chaudhary 

“I got a tattoo in return for eight mangoes,” said Ghurni Chaudhary, a woman in her early 70s from Eastern Nepal’s Saptari District. “My brother-in-law wanted to pay for the tattoo. So, he picked the mangoes from my aunt’s orchard and got me this tattoo on the lower arm.”

A group of Nats had put tarpaulin tents outside the village and they would go around the village doing petty jobs. While the men would hunt birds and small mammals, including fish, the women would tattoo women in the villages.

“While the Natin (Nat woman) was busy tattooing other women in the village, I cooked food for her family, and in return she tattooed my left arm,” reminisced Ghurni. “The Nat recommended his wife to tattoo properly, with beautiful motifs, referring me as his sister-in-law. The Nats were very good communicators and relationship builders.”

A tattoo to get accepted by in-laws and get freedom from the endless cycle of transmigration

“I got tattooed as elders told me that my in-laws won’t accept food from my hand if I didn’t get the tattoos,” added Ghurni. “Although I don’t know the meaning of floral patterns on my arms, I got inked the pokhair tattoo after a relative organised an akashdeep ceremony.”

Families light a lamp on a top of bamboo pole to worship Lord Vishnu. Hindus believe that they can avoid the suffering at the hands of messengers of death who work for Yamaraj, the god of death. During the celebration, relatives and near ones ‘cross a pond-like structure’ equivalent to crossing Vaitarani River. In Hinduism, sinful souls are supposed to cross this river after death.

The pokhair, a pond in Tharu language, tattoo consists of four corners of the pond – a floral pattern at each corner. “Near the pokhair tattoo, the khodparni (tattoo artist) inked a small boat with an oarsman (Naah and khewaiya), might be he will help me cross the Vaitarani River after my death,” giggled Ghurni. 

Interestingly, the Tharu epic Gurbabak Jalmauti talks about Gurbaba, the creator of the earth, going to a safer place with his disciples on a boat during apocalypse.  

Most of the women also get inked banh, a dam in Tharu language which resembles a band of floral patterns, to get freedom from the endless cycle of transmigration into a state of bliss.

Tattoo motifs inspired by nature

During Dashami, the biggest festival of Hindus, people paint evil eyes on their houses and doors in Nepal’s southern plains. A set of white and red floral patterns or fist patterns replace the evil eyes on the fifth day. The floral patterns are stamped with the pods of Indian mallow, Abutilon indicum. The pattern is called thopa-thopi, simply stamped rosette motifs in Tharu language.

Ahilya Devi, in her early 80s, proudly showed thopa-thopi tattoo on her left arm. “It is one of the simplest tattoos – it’s easy to make for the tattoo artist and looks great on the arm,” she said. “I refrained from having more tattoos. Now, I think, I made the right decision because soon after the Tharu elders started banning child marriages and tattooing.”

Tattoos inspired by mythology

Garbhi Dasin

While in Ramdhuni Municipality of Eastern Nepal’s Sunsari District, many women wear Ram Laxman tattoos. Ramdhuni is famous for a flame believed to have kept on burning from the days of Hindu God Ram’s 14-year exile. According to legends, during the exile, Ram spent a night at Ramdhuni and lit a fire.

Garbhi Dasin, an ascetic in her 70s, wears Ram Laxman tattoos on her calf and wheels of a chariot on her shin. Likewise, Ashia Tharuni from neighbouring village also wears a Ram Laxman tattoo on her legs. It’s interesting – the sacred tattoos find place on women’s legs, and that also on the rear side.  

Tattoos not only for beautification but also for inking a permanent jewellery

The block tattoos, either the wheels or peacocks, look beautiful on the legs. “We took tattoos to look beautiful,” said Bhuti Devi from Eastern Nepal’s Hasanpur Village. “These tattoos will accompany us when we leave this mortal world. They will go together with us.”

Tattoos that depict the Tharu lineage and their profession

Apart from other tattoos, a pair of bold peacocks looked beautiful on the legs of Bhuti Devi. The most outstanding tattoo – with several variations in the motifs – inked by Tharus, is a peacock tattoo, called mejoor in Tharu language. As claimed by some Tharu elders, they are descendants of Mauryas – the dynasty Emperor Ashoka belonged to. It was Ashoka who spread Buddhism across the Asian sub-continent.

A woman with peacock tattoos. Photo: Indu Tharu

Fish has an important relationship with the Tharus. As per Gurbabak Jalmauti that talks about the evolution of life on earth, earthworm and fish were one of the first creatures that came into being. And along with agriculture, fishing has been an important occupation of Tharus. The fish tattoos which cover whole of the forearm look fascinating and eye-catching.  

Elephants, tigers and horses – animals adored by Tharus

Tharus have been elephant handlers for the kings and landlords. The hathi or the elephant tattoo which generally has a man sitting on top of it, is another pattern that can be seen on the arms of Tharu women.

Interestingly, one woman in Sunsari district, had inked a tattoo called German ke larai or German war which is a complex tattoo design that includes armies on foot with spears, on elephants and horses fighting with each other.

Bagh or tiger is another tattoo that adorns the chest or the upper arm of women – inked on top of other motifs. Tiger is worshipped by the Tharus as Bagheshri, the Tiger Goddess. Every year, on the first day of the Vikram Samvat new year (first of Baishakha), the Tharus worship the goddess and other jungle gods, sacrificing goats and pigeons to appease them – so that they and their cattle are not attacked by wild animals and evil spirits from the jungles.

In western Nepal, Tharus get tattooed ghorwa or a horse which is a revered animal for them.

Trees in their vicinity

Kashia Chaudhary

Tharus have lived near forest and grow some useful trees in their backyard, including coconut and areca nut palms. Most of the women from eastern Nepal have Salahesh ke fulbari or the garden of Salahesh, a demigod widely adored in Nepal’s southern plains. The tattoo comprises flowers and trees including Ashoka tree, called Ashok ke gachhi in Tharu language. This tattoo is either inked on the entire upper or lower arm.

Kashia Chaudhary proudly shows tattoos of Sabudana or sago palm and gena ke phool or marigold flower, inked on the hind side of the lower arm. Another tattoo that covers the whole of upper or lower arm is a supari ke gachh or an areca nut palm.

Everyday things

The parents owe dowry to daughters getting married and in earlier days, they used to pack everything in a sanukh or a huge chest with wheels that can carry their belongings. Women used to get inked these chests on their arms as well. In western Nepal, the women get tattooed stoves called chulhwas in the Tharu language – the most needed equipment to cook food.  

Some of the tattoos that the artists inked for free were simple patterns denoting men and women called manukh or a human being in Tharu language. If somebody got inked many tattoos, the artists will ink them for free and they looked beautiful on either on fingers or on elsewhere on the arm.

The most prominent tattoo on their hands is suruj ke dali or the Sun’s rays – a round figure with lines denoting rays protruding from the circle.

Painful process

How they got tattooed is a painful process. “The khodparni (tattoo artist) would stick together seven needles, collect soot from oil lamps and start piercing the skin,” said Kashia Chaudhary. “Once done, she would apply turmeric powder and mustard oil to alleviate the pain.”

“The khodparni would chant some mantras to alleviate the pain after tattooing,” said Shakuntala Chaudhary. “They would demand more money to chant the mantras. The whole process used to be unbearable. Once I kicked off the khodparni while she was tattooing and ran away.”

With the lessening interest of the new generation in getting tattooed, the Nats no more wander around the villages. However, there are some Nat families who are still adept at tattooing. “I know a family from Baluwa Village near Kanchanpur (Saptari District of eastern Nepal) who still know how to tattoo,” said Rajia Devi Chaudhary.

Inking their identity

“Traditional tattoos are powerful symbol of our cultural identity,” says Tharu activist Indu Tharu. “For us, these are not just body art but a connection to ancestral roots, beliefs, and history, and a form of reclaiming unique cultural practices that have been marginalized and suppressed through the forces of colonialism and modernization. By proudly wearing one, it becomes a visible declaration of pride in who I am and where I come from.”

Continuing the tradition

KalaKulo, an art initiative, together with artist collective ArTree Nepal, organised Tika Chhedana Angana, a convention on Tharu tattooing in Bardiya district of western Nepal.

“Known by many names tika, leela, godana are indigenous practices that acknowledge a pedagogy merging body, art, and ecology; where to learn, one has to observe; and history is written in songs and memories encoded in movement,” writes KalaKulo. “The first weekend of March, we listened to stories, of joy, friendship, and sisterhood, filled with laughter and pain; and witnessed the rewriting of stories with ink and blood.”

“It was not only a celebration of the legacy of Tharu women who have carried a universe of images, but also a beginning for new tika chheduiniyas who continue this practice for it to thrive—in the very lands that shaped and nurtured this tradition.”

Toast to the young tika chheduiniyas, the tattoo artists, who are learning the art to keep their culture alive!

जोखन रत्गैँया: व्यक्ति एक, व्यक्तित्व अनेक

कलाकार लवकान्त चौधरीले रिक्रियट गरेको जोखन रत्गैँयाको डायरी । अनुमतिमा प्रकाशित। 

वि.सं २०५८ साल जेठ २९ गते । कैलालीको लालबोझी गाविसको करमदेउ गाउँलाई शाही सेनाले एकाएक नियन्त्रणमा लियो। शाही सेनाले घेराबन्दी गरेपछि जोखन रत्गैयाँ अलमलमा परे । उनी साथीहरूसँग भन्ने गर्थे, म ज्यानको आहुति दिन्छु, तर दुश्मनको अगाडि झुक्दिनँ । उनको त्यही अठोटले शाही सेनाको घेराबन्दी तोड्ने प्रयासमा लागे । अनेकन जुक्ति निकाले उनले। तर बहुसंख्यक सेनाको अगाडि उनको कुनै जुक्तिले काम गरेन । उनले प्रयास पनि छाडेनन् । अन्ततः उनी घेरा तोडेर भागे । सेनाहरु फायरिङ खोल्दै लखेट्न थाले । जोखन र सेनाको दूरी करिब दुई सय मिटरको थियो । फिल्मी शैलीमा शाही सेनाले जोखनलाई लखेट्दै थिए । सेनाको अनगिन्ती गोलीले अन्ततः जोखनको घुँडा आरपार भयो । उनी केहीबेर त्यही ढले तर आत्मसमर्पण भने गरेनन् । उभिन नसक्ने भएपछि उनी अग्ला भग्रा (घाँस) भित्र घस्रिदै खोलासम्म पुगे । नजिकैको खोलामा हाम फाले, पौडिँदै परसम्म गए । उनलाई खोज्न हेलिकप्टर गस्ती थालियो । सबैतिरबाट घेरिएपछि उनको उपचार बेलैमा हुन सकेन, निरन्तर ब्लिडिङका कारण उनको देहान्त भयो । त्यो कालो दिन सम्झिँदा शरीरमा काँडा उम्रिनेगरेको बर्दियाका खुसी प्रसाद थारू बताउँछन् । शाही सेनाको अप्रेसनमा त्यो दिन कैलालीमा ६ जनाले शहादत प्राप्त गरेका थिए । त्यसमध्ये जोखन एक थिए ।

करमदेउ त्यस्तो गाउँ थियो, माओवादीहरू सेनाको ट्र्यापमा परिहाल्थे । जोखन यसअघि पनि त्यो गाउँबाट उम्किन सफल भएका थिए । तर पार्टीको जिम्मेवारी निभाउन त्यहाँ जानैपथ्र्यो । जानुअघि जोखनले साथीहरूलाई भनेका थिए, ‘यो गाउँमा होस पु¥याएर बस्नुपर्छ ।’ घटना भएको दिन बाँच्न सफल खुसी प्रसाद चौधरी आफूहरू अघिल्लो रातको २ बजे करमदेउ गाउँ पुगेको बताए । बिहान ८ बजे खाना खाइरहेका बेला सेनाले गाउँ नियन्त्रणमा लिएको थियो । जोखनका टिममा अन्य पाँच जना भने बाँच्न सफल भएका थिए । त्यतिबेला बौद्धिक तथा शक्तिशाली नेताको रुपमा उदाएका जोखनलाई टार्गेट गरेरै हत्या गरेको माओवादीभित्रकै नेताहरूले बताउने गर्छन् ।
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जोखन रत्गैँयाको जन्म वि.सं २०२५ सालमा कैलालीको हसुलियास्थित रानामुरा गाउँमा भएको थियो । आमा सुखलीदेवी चौधरी र बुबा धनबहादुर चौधरीको उनी जेठो सन्तान थिए । सामान्य परिवारमा जन्मिएका उनले आइएसम्मको अध्ययन गरेका थिए । आइएसम्मको अध्ययनले होला उनले त्यहाँ थारू समाज राम्रोसँग बुझेका थिए । दिनप्रति दिन हुने हरेक प्रकारका विभेदबारे उनी जानकार थिए । पछिल्लो समय पहाडबाट बसाई सरी आएका गैरथारूहरूले खाइपाइ आएको थारूहरूको खेतबारीमा आफ्नो वर्चस्व कायम गरेका थिए । जसका कारण थारूहरू आफ्नै खेतबारीमा कमैया, कमलरी बन्न बाध्य भएका थिए । यी सब कुराको चित्रण जोखनले राम्रोसँग विश्लेषण गर्न सक्थे । त्यसैले त उनले यस्ता विभेदहरूबारे चर्को आवाज उठाउँथे । आफ्नो गाउँ, टोल र छिमेकका थारूहरूलाई यस्ता विभेदविरुद्ध एक भएर लड्न प्रोत्साहन गर्थे । उनले थारू गाउँ गाउँ पुगेर विभेदविरुद्ध नाटक देखाउँथे, थारूहरूलाई प्रशिक्षण दिन्थे र साहित्य लेखनमार्फत् जागरण ल्याउँथे ।

पश्चिम तराईमा हुने आक्रमक बसाइसराइले थारूहरू झनै थिचोमिचोमा परेका थिए । राज्यबाट हुने विभेद त थियो नै, त्यसमाथि आफ्नै खेतबारीमा थारुहरु कमैया बस्नुपर्दा उनी मुर्छित पर्थे । जातीय, वर्गीय विभेद सधैंका लागि अन्त्य गर्न उनी माओवादी पार्टीले सुरु गरेको सशस्त्र जनयुद्धमा होमिए । त्यसअघि उनले अनेरास्ववियुमा बसेर विद्यार्थी राजनीतिसमेत गरे । माओवादी पार्टीमा गएर नेतृत्व लिइसकेपछि उनले धेरै अभियानहरु सफल पारेका थिए । उनका सहपाठी हरि ज्ञवाली अखण्ड सम्झन्छन्, ‘सुरुमा त लाग्थ्यो, हामी दुई जनाले के नै पो परिवर्तन गर्न सक्छौं, हाम्रो कुरा कसले सुन्छ र, तर गरेपछि हुनेरहेछ। हामीले हतियार सिजलगायतका ठूला अभियानहरु सफल परेका थियौं ।’

जोखनको बौद्धिकता र सफल नेतृत्वले पार्टीको केन्द्रीय तहमै चर्चा हुने गरेको थियो । पार्टीभित्र उनलाई बौद्धिक नेताको क्याटोगरीमा राखिएको थियो । तत्कालीन माओवादी नेता वर्षमान पुनले जोखन रत्गैयाँ क्षमतावान नेता भएको बताए । पार्टीले उनलाई बौद्धिक नेताको रुपमा लिनेगरेको पनि उनले बताए । कैलाली र बर्दियामा हुने हरेक कार्यक्रमको नेतृत्व पनि उहाँहरुले गरेको पुन सम्झन्छन् । ‘जोखनजीलाई भेटेको छु र वहाँबारे मैले धेरै सुनेको छु । उहाँ बौद्धिक, निडर एवं क्षमतावान नेता हुनुहुन्थ्यो । उहाँको शहादतपछि पार्टीले ठूलो क्षति व्यहोर्नुप¥यो,’ ऊर्जा, जलस्रोत तथा सिँचाइमन्त्री पुनले भने ।

जोखनले माओवादीमा आफ्नो राम्रो उपस्थिति जनाए । उनको उपस्थितिले केन्द्रीय नेताहरूमा तरंग ल्याइदियो । उनले थारू मोर्चालाई राम्रोसँग कमान्ड गरे । थारूमाथि हुने विभेदको अन्त्य गर्न धेरै थारूले उनको साथ दिए । उनकै पछि लागेर सशस्त्र जनयुद्धमा होमिए । उनले आफ्नो पोजिसन राम्रो बनाइरहेकै बेला दुश्मनले त्यहाँ पनि सुखसँग बस्न दिएनन् । उनकाविरुद्ध शाही सेनालाई सुराकी गर्न थाले । सेनाले उनलाई खोज्न नसकेपछि उनको परिवारलाई सताउन थाल्यो । सेनाले हदैसम्मको दमन उनको परिवारमाथि ग¥यो । सेनाको यातनाका कारण जोखनले वि.सं २०५७ सालमा बुबा धनबहादुर रत्गैयाँलाई गुमाए । बुबाको मुख हेर्नसमेत उनी आउन पाएनन् । साहित्य लेखनमा अब्बल मानिएका उनले आमाका नाममा चिठी लेखी भनेका थिए–

आमा तिमी रुनु तर आँशु नझार्नु । विरोधीले देखे हाँसोको पात्र बनाउनेछ । तिमी हाँसोको पात्र बन्नु हुँदैन । 

बुबाले ज्यान गुमाउँदा पनि उनले आमालाई अनुनयन गरेका शब्द हुन यी । उनी विरोधीसामु शिर निहुराउन जानेका थिएनन्, विरोधीसामु हार स्वीकार्न जानेका थिएनन् । उनी आफ्नो लक्ष्यमा सधैं अडिग रहेर अगाडि बढे । यता सेनाको यातना दिने क्रम भने रोकिएन । उनीहरूको अनुपस्थितिमा सेनाले घरका महिला सदस्यहरूलाई समेत यातना दिन सुरु गरिसकेको थियो । सेनाको टार्गेटमा परेका भाइ जगत रत्गैँया (प्रवेश) पनि लुकीछिपी बस्नुपर्ने अवस्था थियो। उनलाई विसं २०५९ सालमा सेनाले बर्दियाको झबहीमा हत्या ग¥यो । जेठी छोरी इन्दु थारू माओवादीकी छोरी भएकै कारण स्कुल जान सकिरहेका थिएनन्, उनलाई भर्ना नगर्न सेनाले निर्देशन दिएको थियो । कलिला दुई छोरा सुरज र निरजको अवस्था झनै दयनीय थियो ।

परिवारका सदस्यमाथि यतिका दमन भइरहँदा पनि जोखले क्रान्तिको बाटो छाडेनन् । तर सोच्दै नसोचेको कुरा उनले आफ्नै जीवनमा भोग्नुप¥यो । पार्टीभित्रको बलियो उपस्थिति र उनको क्षमतादेखि जल्ने उनका केही आफ्नै साथीहरूको ट्र्यापमा फसेँ।
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हसुलियाबाट सदरमुकाम धनगढी आएका जोखनले त्यही कर्मथलो बनाएका थिए । उनले मेडिकल शिक्षा प्राप्त गरेपछि धनगढीमै मेडिकल क्लिनिक चलाए । मेडिकलबाट उनले आफूलाई पुग्ने आम्दानी गर्थे । मेडिकल अलावा उनी पत्रकारिता र साहित्य लेखनमा धेरै रुची राख्थे । उनले युवाअवस्थामै थारु मुक्तिको विषयमा कथा, कविता लेख्थे । थारू समुदायमा व्यवसायिक पत्रकारिताको सुरुवात पनि उनैले गरेका थिए । उनले थारू मुक्ति नामक साप्ताहिक पत्रिका प्रकाशन गर्थे । माओवादीमा लाग्नुअघि नै उनले मुक्तिक डगर नामक वार्षिक पत्रिका प्रकाशन गर्थे । जुन ९ वर्षमा ७ अंक प्रकाशित भयो ।

उनले आफ्नो पहिलो कृति चोराइल मन प्रकाशित गरेका थिए । जुन थारू समुदायको पहिलो गजल संग्रह भएको साहित्यकार कृष्णराज सर्वहारी बताउँछन् । उनैले प्रगतिसिल साहित्यको अगुवाई समेत गरेका थिए । थारू समुदायभित्रका आवाजलाई साहित्यमार्फत् उजागर गर्नुपर्ने उनले सल्लाह दिन्थे ।

जोखनले दर्जनभन्दा बढी किताबको पाण्डुलिपी तयार पारेका थिए । जसमा भुत्वा– महाकाब्य, लाल गुलाब– खण्डकाव्य, अग्रासन– कथा संग्रह आदि छन् । यी किताबहरु क्रमशः प्रकाशन गर्ने भनेर जोखनले डायरीमा उल्लेख गरेका थिए । जुन उनको डायरीमा प्रष्टसँग लेखिएको छ । तर दुर्भाग्य डायरीबाहेक उनको परिवारसँग यी किताबका कुनै ड्राफ्ट छैनन् । जोखनले आफ्नो मृत्युसँगै यी सबकुराको राज सँगै लिएर गए । बर्दियाका विश्वबहादुर चौधरी शिशिरले जोखनजीको भुत्वा महाकाब्य त्यसबेला प्रकाशनको अन्तिम चरणमा रहेको बताए । किताबको आवरण पनि उनैले तयार पारिदिएका थिए । ‘बर्दिया आउँदा उहाँले भुत्वा महाकाब्य किताबको प्रकाशन गर्न मसँग सहयोग माग्नुभएको थियो । किताबबारे सुझाव पनि माग्नुभएको थियो । किताबको लागि मैले आवरणसमेत तयार पारेको थिएँ,’ शिशिरले भने । लाजुराम चौधरी अंकितका अनुसार भुत्वा महाकाव्यको प्रकाशनका लागि शहिद प्रवेश र आफू इन्डिया गएको सम्झिन्छन् ।

जोखन गोचाली परिवारका कैलाली अध्यक्ष पनि थिए । गोचाली परिवारमा आबद्ध भएर उनले थारु सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम गर्ने, मुक्तिका नाटकहरू लेखेर प्रहसन गर्थे । गोचाली परिवारमा बसेरै उनले थारू मुक्तिको लडाइँ सुरु गरेका थिएँ । किनकि यो आफैंमा एउटा संगठन थियो । यसमा आबद्ध थारुहरुलाई विभेदविरुद्ध बुलन्द आवाज सहित  एकीकृत हुन आव्हान गरिन्थ्यो । ऊबेला निस्किने क्रान्तिकारी पत्रिकामा उनी नियमित थारू मुक्तिका आवाज उठाउँथे ।
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आदर्शका स्रोत जोखन

जोखन रत्गैयाँ थारूहरूका आइडल थिए, प्रेरणाका स्रोत थिए । उनले देखाएका बाटामा आज अनगिन्ती थारूहरू हिँडिरहेका छन् । अहिले जतिपनि कम्युनिस्ट थारू नेताहरू छन्, सबैले जोखनको विचार र सिद्धान्तलाई आत्मसाथ गरेका छन् । लक्ष्मण थारू जसले जोखनकै छत्रछाँयामा राजनीति सिके, कृष्ण्कुमार चौधरी जसले जोखनको विचारबाट प्रभावित भएर माओवादीमा लागे, लाजुराम चौधरी, वीरमान चौधरी, गौरीशंकर चौधरी, सूर्य चौधरी, लक्ष्मी चौधरी जसले जोखनलाई आदर्श मानेर माओवादी जनयुद्धमा होम्मिए । त्यतिमात्र नभएर बर्दियाका खुसीप्रसाद चौधरी, शिवप्रसाद चौधरी, विश्वबहादुर चौधरी, मनकला चौधरीलगायत सयौं नेताहरू जोखनका विचारबाट प्रभावित थिए । जोखनले दिएका प्रशिक्षण, जोखनले जनतासँग घुलमिल हुन सिकाएको आइडिया उनीहरुले आजका दिनसम्म आत्मसाथ गरेका छन् । उनले साहित्यमा देखाएको बाटोलाई आत्मसाथ गरेका छन् । जातीय, वर्गीय विभेदबारे दिएको अभिव्यक्ति अनुसरण गरेका छन् । उनका सहकर्मी भगत बडुवाल, हरि ज्ञवाली सबैले भन्ने गर्छन्, जोखन बहुप्रतीभाशाली व्यक्ति हुन् । उनमा अध्ययन गर्ने अदभूत कला थियो । आदिवासीका सबालमा, थारुका सबालमा उनले धेरै अनुसन्धानहरू गरेका थिए । आज भलै जोखनको शरीर हामीमाझ छैन, तर उनले देखाएको बाटो, उनले प्रस्तुत गरेको विचार, सिद्धान्त र आइडियोलोजी जीवन्त छ र रहिरहनेछ ।

लेखक :मदन चौधरी, पहिलोपल्ट नागरिक दैनिक र मुक्तिक डगरमा प्रकाशित । मदन चौधरी र इन्दु थारूको अनुमतिमा पुन:प्रकाशित गरिएको। 

Jokhan Ratgainya: one person, many personalities

Jokhan Ratgainya's diary, recreated by artist Lavkant Chaudhary. Used with permission.

June 11, 2001, Kailali District, Lalbhoji Village Development Committee, Karamdeu Village

The Royal Nepali Army suddenly took control of the whole village. The army had surrounded the village and Jokhan was in danger. He had always told his friends that he would sacrifice his life but he would never bow down to the enemy. With this determination he tried to break the hold of the Royal Army. He tried many strategies but nothing worked out, they were clearly outnumbered. But he didn’t give up. In the end he managed to escape from the siege and ran. The military open fired and started chasing Jokhan, he was only ahead by 200 meters. The Royal Army was pursuing him—just like a scene in the movies. After innumerable rounds of firing, a bullet shot went through his knee. He fell for a few minutes but he refused to surrender. He couldn’t get up. So he decided to crawl through a thicket of tall grass and ended up next to a stream. He jumped into the stream and swam across it, gaining some distance. A helicopter was dispatched to search for him, he was surrounded. Jokhan did not receive immediate treatment, after continuous bleeding—he died. As Khusi Prasad Tharu from Bardiya recounts that ill-fated day, shivers run down his spine. Six people were martyred on that day at the hands of the Royal Nepali Army. Jokhan was one of them. 

Karamdeu was such a village where the Army could easily trap the Maoists. Jokhan had previously managed to escape from this very village. But he had to travel there to fulfill the duties of his Party. Prior to leaving, Jokhan had been warned by his friends, “tread carefully in this village.” Khusi Prasad Chaudhary managed to survive, he remembers that they had arrived at two, under cover of night, the day before the incident. While they were eating at eight in the morning, the Army took control of the village. The other five members of Jokhan’s team managed to survive. At that time Jokhan was regarded as an intellectual and powerful leader, Maoist leaders remark that he was targeted and killed. 

…

Jokhan Ratgaiya was born in 1968 in the village of Ranamuda, nearby Hasuliya in Kailali District. He was the eldest son of Sukhali Devi Chaudhary and Dhana Bahadur Chaudhary. His family was simple and he received a high school education. Maybe it was his education that helped him grasp Tharu society. He was aware of all the quotidian discriminations. The non-Tharus from the hills who had migrated to the Tarai still dominated and made a living off of Tharu lands. The Tharus were bound to work on their own lands as kamaiyas and kamalaris. Jokhan was able to finely articulate this scenario; that is why he would speak up against such discrimination. He inspired the Tharus of his village, his quarter, and his neighbors to unite and fight against bigotry. He would travel Tharu village after Tharu village to show anti-discrimination performances, to spread awareness, and to enlighten people through literature.

The aggressive resettlement of people into the Western Tarai had added to the Tharu’s yoke of oppression. There was already discrimination from the State, on top of that when Tharus had to become bonded laborers on their own land, they were crushed. To end caste and class based biases Jokhan decided to be a part of the People’s War started by the Maoist Party. Before that he was a student activist affiliated to the Pan Nepal National Independent Student Union. He was successful in many campaigns after taking leadership roles within the Party. His colleague Hari Gyawali (Akhanda) recollects, “At first we used to think what on earth could we change, just the two of us. Who would listen to us? But after you start something things do change. We were successful in many large campaigns such as weapon seizing.”

The central command of the Party had taken notice of Jokhan’s intellect and accomplished leadership, and had categorized him as an intellectual leader. Maoist leader Barsaman Pun remarks that Jokhan Ratgaiya had potential and he was noticed for his intelligence. Pun reminisces that all programs in Kailali and Bardiya were under their helm. Pun, who is the Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation Minister, says, “I have met Jokhan-ji and I have heard a lot about him. He was a leader with intellect, fearlessness, and great potential. After his martyrdom the Party faced a great loss.”  

Jokhan left a mark on the Maoist Party. He brought out the vitality of central leaders. He commanded the Tharu Front with great skill. Many Tharus who wanted to end the discrimination they faced supported Jokhan. Many followed his footsteps towards the People’s Liberation. As he was getting comfortable in his position the enemy did not let him stay in peace. The Royal Nepali Army began pursuing him. The Army was unable to find him, so they decided to harass his family. They persecuted his family to the full extent. Jokhan’s father died in 2000 as a result of military torture. He could not even return to see his father’s face for the last time. Considered to be a skilled penman he wrote a letter to his mother:

Mother, cry, but do not shed a tear.

If the antagonists see you,

they will laugh.

You are not to be a subject of ridicule.

These were his words to his mother upon the death of his father. He was not going to bow his head in front of the enemy, he did not know how to accept defeat in front of the enemy. He was focused on his goal and he moved ahead with this determination. But the military’s persecution was incessant. In his absence, they had already started to torture the women of his household. His brother Jagat Ratgaiya (Pravesh) was in hiding after the military started targeting him. In 2002, Pravesh was murdered by the Royal Army in Jhabahi, Bardiya District. The military even instructed schools not to admit Jokhan’s daughter Indu, as she was “a daughter of a Maoist”. The condition of Jokhan’s two younger sons Suraj and Niraj was even more pitiable. 

Even though his family was tormented, Jokhan did not leave the path of revolution. But he was subjected to something that was unthinkable. He fell victim to a conspiracy of a few of his own friends within the Party who had grown envious of his strong presence and rising potential.

…

After coming to Dhangadhi from Hasuliya he made a living in the city. Upon receiving a medical education he opened a clinic and pharmacy in Dhangadhi, through which he made his earnings. Other than his medical engagements, he was drawn to journalism and literature. Ever since he was  a teenager he had written stories and poetry on the liberation of the Tharus. He had also started commercial journalism within the Tharu community with the weekly Tharu Mukti. Prior to joining the Maoists he had already begun publishing a yearly magazine, Muktik Dagar, which had seven editions in nine years. 

His first published work was Chorayil Man (Stolen Heart).  Which according to Krishnaraj Sarbahari is the first ghazal of the Tharu community. Jokhan was at the front of a progressive literary movement. He was always of the opinion that the voice of the Tharu community could be highlighted vis-à-vis literature. 

Jokhan had prepared manuscripts for more than a dozen publications, which included the epic Bhutva Mahakavya, the poem Lal Gulab, and the short story collection Agrasan. In his diary Jokhan clearly indicates that he wanted to publish these works in this order. Unfortunately, other than his diary Jokhan’s family does not have any of the other manuscripts. In his death, Jokhan took all these secrets with him. Bishwa Bahadur Chaudhary (Shishir) from Bardiya says that Bhutva Mahakavya was in its last stage of edits prior to publication. In Shishir’s words, “Jokhan had requested my help for the publication of Bhutva Mahakavya when he had come to Bardiya. I had even designed the cover for the book.” According to Lajuram Chaudhary (Ankit), he and Jokhan’s brother Pravesh had gone to India for the publication of the book.   

Jokhan was also the President of the Gochali Pariwar (Family of Friends) in Kailali. When he was affiliated with the Gochali Pariwar he organized many Tharu cultural programmes, and presented comedies and plays on the liberation of the Tharus. He had started his fight for Tharu liberation from the Gochali Pariwar. This was an organization in its own sense. The Tharus involved in it were called upon to be a unified and robust voice against oppression. In the revolutionary publications of his days, Jokhan used to regularly voice the cause of Tharu liberation.  

…

An ideal source of inspiration

Jokhan Ratgaiya was an ideal leader for Tharus and a source of inspiration. There are numerous Tharus who at present are following the path he paved. All the communist Tharu politicians of date have taken Jokhan Ratgaiya’s principles to heart. Laxman Tharu who under his mentorship learnt politics; Krishna Kumar Chaudhary who was influenced by Jokhan to join the Maoists; Lajuram Chaudhary, Birman Chaudhary, Gaurishankar Chaudhary, Surya Chaudhary, Laxmi Chaudhary who all joined the People’s War regarding Jokhan as their ideal. Additionally Jokhan’s thoughts have made an impression upon hundreds of leaders the likes of Khusi Prasad Chaudhary, Shiva Prasad Chaudhary, Vishwa Bahadur Chaudhary, and Mankala Chaudhary all from Bardiya District. The guidance provided by Jokhan and his grassroots level engagement have remained important for all of them. Even his pathbreaking work in literature remains an inspiration, in addition to his expressions against caste and class based discrimination. His colleague Bhagat Baduwal and Hari Gyawali say that Jokhan was a multitalented individual. He had an extraordinary skill for scholarship; he had conducted many researches on themes related to indigeneity and Tharu identity. While Jokhan may not be physically with us today, his path, thoughts, principles and ideologies are alive and will remain so. 

Author: Madan Chaudhary, translator: Priyankar Bahadur Chand. Republished with permission from Priyankar Bahadur Chand and Indu Tharu.

Harchali – one of the first quarterly literary magazines in Tharu language

Harchali - one of the first quarterly literary magazines in Tharu language

An interview with Sagar Kusmi, Editor, Harchali, one of the first quarterly literary magazines in
Tharu language.

Please tell our readers about Harchali quarterly, the literary magazine you’ve been publishing. 
Harchali literary quarterly is purely dedicated to literature. We started publishing it from 2072 Baishakh after formally registering with the District Administration Office in Kailali on 2071 Falgun 28 (Registration no. 169). I (Sagar Kusmi) am the Chief Editor and Publisher of the magazine.  This is the only magazine in Tharu language being published regularly from Dhangadhi, Kailali. This magazine reaches out to audiences in Kailali, Kanchanpur, Bardia, Banke, Dang, Surkhet, Kapilvastu, Rupandehi, Nawalparasi, Kathmandu and Uttar Pradhesh in India.

Sagar Kusmi, Editor, Harchali

Please tell us about yourself.
My father is a farmer and I come from Dakshin Terhi Village of Kailari Rural Municipality, Ward no. 8. Currently, I have been living in Dhangadhi and dabbling in literary journalism. Along with journalism, I write Tharu folktales and folklores. Two of my collections of ghazals – hastakshar and futal pokri, and a collection of muktak (lyrical poems), have been published. I am working towards publishing collections of folktales, folklores, Haiku, ghazals, and investigative essays. Especially, I like to write about Tharu language, literature and culture.

Is there any reason behind naming the magazine ‘Harchali’?     
I am proud to be a Tharu. Thousands of Tharu words have been forgotten and are in the process of being forgotten. That’s why I chose this name from one of the Tharu words that denotes what one does during their leisure. So that people use their free time and we are able to conserve the Tharu language, literature and culture, and document the articles written in Tharu language.

What inspired you to publish this quarterly magazine?
I was interested in literature since my childhood. I used to write poems. I had the habit of reading magazines of all kind. While I was in school, they published a wall magazine. I used to send my poems for the magazine. In my village while I was a club president, I used to publish a wall magazine called ‘Fulariya’. Later, a magazine called ‘Nisrau Saptahik’ started being published from Dhangadhi. My poems, ghazals, muktak used to be published in that magazine as well. Following this, Hamar Pahura semi-weekly (later daily) used to publish my ghazals, muktak and articles. I gained a lot of experience working for Hamar Pahura. After working as Kailali representative of Lawa Daggar quarterly, I set out on my own to publish Harchali literary quarterly magazine.

What types of articles are published in Harchali and how can one send articles to it?
As this is a literary magazine, we publish all sorts of literary creations like articles, poems, ghazals, muktak, stories, memoirs, short stories, novels, etc. Articles that convey messages, raise awareness and investigative articles are given priority. Articles containing hate speech, accusation and written solely for entertainment and about love are not published. Articles received via our email ID harchali3@gmail.com are published only after reviewing.

What are your plans to reach more audience in the coming days?
We are trying our best to improve the quality and reach more audience. We look forward to suggestions, inputs and insights from our readers to improve the publication. We are also planning to reach our audiences in other cities and villages. We are working to make it monthly. Also we’re in the process of adding more columns and publishing the inside pages in multi-colour. Rest depends on readers and supporters.

Finally, would you like to say anything to our readers?
This is not my magazine. A magazine is a common learning ground for all. Please support us. Give us feedback and suggestions. Don’t stay idle. Write something and send them to us.

Note: The title has been changed from earlier 'Harchali – the first quarterly literary magazine in Tharu language'. 'Aainkh' is the first quarterly literary magazine in Tharu language.

थारू भाषाको प्रथम साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक पत्रिकामध्ये एक "हरचाली"

थारू भाषाको प्रथम साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक पत्रिका मध्ये एक "हरचाली"का सम्पादक सागर कुस्मीसँगको अन्तर्वार्ता। 

तपाईंले प्रकाशन गर्ने हरचाली त्रैमासिकबारे केही भनिदिनुस् । 
हरचाली साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक थारू भाषाको विशुद्ध साहित्यिक पत्रिका हो । जिल्ला प्रशासन कार्यालय कैलालीमा २०७१ फागुन २८ गते विधिवत् रूपमा दर्ता (दर्ता नम्बर १६९) भई २०७२ वैशाखदेखि प्रकाशन शुरु गरिएको हो । यसको प्रकाशक तथा प्रधान सम्पादक म आफै (सागर कुस्मी) छु । यो पत्रिका कैलाली जिल्लाको धनगढीबाट हालसम्म एकमात्र नियमित प्रकाशन हुँदै आएको थारू भाषाको पत्रिका हो । यो पत्रिका कैलाली, कंचनपुर, बर्दिया, बाँके, दांग, सुर्खेत, कपिलवस्तु, रिपन्देही, चितवन, नवलपरासी, काठमाडांै, र भारतको उत्तर प्रदेशसम्म पुग्छ ।

सम्पादक सागर कुस्मी

तपाईंको बारे पनि केही भनिदिनुस् न ।
म एउटा किसानको छोरा हुँ । म कैलारी गाउँपालिका वडा नम्बर ८ दक्षिण टेंर्ही गाउँको बासिन्दा हुँ । साहित्यिक पत्रकारिता गर्ने क्रममा हाल म अहिले धनगढीमा बस्छु । पत्रकारितासँगै म थारू लोककथा, थारू लोकगीतमा बढी कलम चलाउँछु । मेरा दुई वटा हस्ताक्षर र फुटल पोक्री गजल संग्रह र एउटा मुक्तक संग्रह प्रकाशित छन् । लोककथा संग्रह, लोकगीत संग्रह, हाइकु संग्रह, गजल संग्रह र खोज तथा अनुसन्धानमुलक निबन्ध संग्रह प्रकाशनको तयारीमा रहेको छ । म धेरैजसो थारू भाषा साहित्य र संस्कृतिमा कलम चलाउन रुचाउछुँ ।

यसको नाम हरचाली राख्नुको कारण ?
मलाई  थारूको सन्तान भएकोमा गर्व लाग्छ । थारू सामुदायमा अझै पनि हजारौं शब्द लोप भैसकेका छन् र हुँदै छन् । त्यसैले एउटा शब्द छानेर यो नाम जुराएको हुँ । खाली समयलाई सदुपयोग होस् र थारू भाषा साहित्य, संस्कृतिको संरक्षण सम्वद्र्धन होस्, थारू भाषाको लेख रचना दस्तावेजिकरण होस् भनी यो नाम जुराएका हौं ।

यो त्रैमासिक निकाल्ने प्रेरणा कहाँ र कसरी पाउँनु भयो ?
मेरो बचपनदेखि नै साहित्यमा रुचि थियो । म सानैदेखि कविता लेख्थें । जस्तो सुकै पत्रिका पनि खोजी खोजी पढ्ने बानी थियो मेरो । स्कुलमा म पढ्दा खेरी भित्ते पत्रिका निस्किन्थ्यो । त्यसमा म पनि कविता पठाउँथे । गाउँमा क्लबको अध्यक्ष हुँदा पनि "फुलरिया" भन्ने भित्ते पत्रिका निकाल्थें । त्यसपछि धनगढीबाट "निसराउ साप्ताहिक" भन्ने पत्रिका निस्किन्थ्यो । त्यसमा पनि मेरा कविता, गजल, मुक्तक छापिन्थे । यसपछि "हमार पहुरा" अर्ध साप्ताहिक (पछि दैनिक) पत्रिकामा मेरा गजल, मुक्तक, लेख रचना छापिन्थें । हमार पहुरा पत्रिकामा काम गरेर पनि धेरै अनुभव बटुलेँ । दाङ डेउखुरी बाट निस्किने "लावा डग्गर" त्रैमासिक मा कैलाली प्रतिनिधि भएर काम गरिसकेपछि आफैमा एउटा प्रकाशक भएर पत्रिका निकाल्ने हिम्मत र आँट आयो । यसरी म अहिले हरचाली साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक पत्रिका कैलालीबाट नियमित निकाल्न सफल भएँ ।

यसमा कस्ता कस्ता रचना प्रकाशन गरिन्छ र आफ्ना रचना प्रकाशन गराउन कहाँ कसरी पठाउँनुपर्छ ? 
यो एउटा साहित्यिक पत्रिका भएकोले यसमा साहित्यिक लेख रचना, कविता, गजल, मुक्तक, कथा, संस्मरण, लघुकथा, उपन्यास प्राय सबै विधाका रचना छापिन्छन् । सन्देशमुलक, जनचेतनामुलक, खोज तथा अनुसन्धानमुलक रचनालाई बढी प्राथमिकता दिईन्छ । कसैलाई गाली गलौज, आरोप, र नितान्त मनोरञ्जनात्मक माया प्रेम सम्बन्धि रचना छापिदैन । पत्रिकाको इमेल आइडी  harchali3@gmail.com मा आएका रचनालाई छनौट गरेर मात्र छापिन्छ ।

आगामी दिनमा यसलाई कसरी अगाडि बढाउने र अझ बढी पाठकमाझ पुर्याउन के के गर्ने सोच राख्नु भएको छ ?
हामीले आफ्नो तर्फबाट सक्ने जति गरेकै छौं । यो पत्रिकालाई अझ स्तरीय बनाउन पाठकहरूको सल्लाह सुझाव, प्रतिक्रियाको आशामा बसेका छौं । आगामी दिन शहरदेखि गाउँसम्म पुर्याउने योजनामा छौं । त्रैमासिकबाट मासिक बनाउन रात दिन खटिरहेका छौं । थप स्तम्भ राखी, भित्री पृष्ठ मल्टी कलरमा प्रकाशन गर्ने क्रममा छौं । बाँकी जिम्मा पाठक र सहयोगीको हुनेछ ।

अन्त्यमा हाम्रा पाठकलाई केही सन्देश दिन चाहनुहुन्छ ?
यो मेरो मात्र पत्रिका होइन । पत्रिका भनेको सबैको साझा विद्यालय हो ।  यसलाई सबैले माया, ममता, सहयोग गर्नुस् । चित्त नबुझेको ठाउँमा सल्लाह सुझाव दिनुस् । खाली नबस्नुस् । केहि न केहि अवश्य लेख्नुस् र हामीलाई पठाउनुस् । सबैलाई हार्दिक शुभकामना।

नोट: यस अन्तर्वार्ताको शीर्षक "हरचाली -- थारू भाषाको पहिलो साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक पत्रिका" परिवर्तन गरिएको छ। थारू भाषाको पहिलो साहित्यिक त्रैमासिक पत्रिका "आँइख" हो।