22 village deities worshipped by Tharus

Tharus believe in shamanism. Wizardry, witchcraft, spirits, good souls, bad souls, devils and benevolent gods – all make up the daily vocabulary. Tharus still believe in dhami (in east) and gurwa (in west), the shamans who tame the evils and worship the good souls.

It is the sole responsibility of gurwas to keep all the gods and goddesses happy and save the whole village from catastrophes, disasters and epidemics. They organise mass worship at the maruwa than, the place of worship in each village.

In Eastern Nepal the worship place is called dihabar than and the whole village gathers and worships in Ashadh (June-July). In Western Nepal, westwards from Dang District, the gurwas hold special worship ceremonies at maruwa thans to appease the gods and goddesses.

Krishna Raj Sarbahari, in his book Tharu Shaman and Mantra Techniques, describes in detail the 22 gods and goddesses worshipped in the maruwa thans to keep the village intact from natural calamities and epidemics, and ensure that the crops cultivated yield better.

Tharus worship nature in different forms, naming them as gods and goddesses. The detailed description, translated into English from his book (pages 28-31), enforces the fact.

Daharchandi
She is regarded as the most powerful goddess. The worship commences by offering incense and oil lamp to her. Again after worshipping all the gods and goddesses, alcohol is offered to her. It is believed that Daharchandi and Draupadi are sisters. At the worship place, wooden blades buried half on the earth represent the two sisters.

Jhuthru Masan
Jhuthru Masan protects the praganna (group of villages). However, if the villagers are not able to make him happy, he turns into ghost and troubles the whole village. He is offered vandhoop, a handful of rice mixed with honey, cow ghee (clarified butter) and blood from eight body parts (forehead, tongue, chest, thigh and little fingers of both the feet) of deshbandhya gurwa. Jhuthru Masan is also represented by a wooden blade.

Murha Masan
A log shaped wooden blade is installed in maruwa representing Murha Masan. It is believed that he controls all ghosts and evil spirits. That is why whenever anybody loses any property or is troubled by evil spirits, a nail is hammered to the deity’s head. He is offered blood, alcohol, milk and water.

Bahira Raksa
He is installed in the southern corner of the western part of maruwa. A pointed stone buried halfway represents Bahira Raksa. People worship him when someone gets lost or does not return home, or cattle are lost in jungle while grazing. It is believed that the lost ones return home or are found after performing a pooja (worship) to Bahira Raksa. A rooster or a pig is offered to him before bringing home a newly-wed bride, with a belief that she won’t elope or run away from her new home. To avoid running away of the newly bought cattle from other villages, a rooster is offered to the god.

Jagannathia
Chidi Gonga, Patnahiya and Jagannathiya are three brothers. They are provided a space at the southern part of the maruwa. Their main job is to protect all 6 pragannas of Deukhuri Valley covering the area of 14 kosh (1 kosh = 3 km). They don’t have any symbol.

Bheranwa
Bheranwa is also considered as the central pillar (dhori khamba). He is considered as the coordinator and remains at the centre of all gods. He is worshipped to ensure that no gods and goddesses get carried away by others.

Pancho Pando
They are the five Pandavas of the epic Mahabharata. It is believed that they also protect the surrounding area. They are installed on the eastern part of the maruwa. They are offered milk, water, clove and luchui (a kind of bread) cooked in ghee.  

Purvi Bhawani
She is provided a place at the north-eastern corner and doesn’t have any representation. She is supposed to stop epidemics like cholera and other diseases entering the village from east. Like the five Pandavas, she is also not offered blood and alcohol.

Danuwa
Danuwa is situated at the west-northern corner of the maruwa. His responsibility is to play madal (a traditional drum played by beating both the ends) and make Daharchandi. He is offered a wooden madal and sandal.

Bagheswori
Her responsibility is to protect cattle. It is believed that she protects the domestic animals from wild animals. She doesn’t have any specific symbol but an earthen tiger and an egg is installed at her place. She sits in between Daharchandi and Danuwa.     

Gavariya
This god remains outside maruwa, in the fields. He is worshipped by digging a hole in the maruwa. He is supposed to protect the crops from pests and calamities.

Kotiya
This god remains outside maruwa, in the southern side of the village. Like Gavariya, he is also provided a space in the maruwa by digging a hole in the western part. He is supposed to protect the villagers from the diseases entering from the south of the village.       

Karaiyakot
Karaiyakot means dense jungle in Tharu language. He is considered the god of hills. However, he is worshipped in the maruwa itself by digging a hole in the western part, instead of worshipping in the hills. It is believed that he descends to Terai from the hills to meet his friends and relatives. If someone is taken ill in the jungle, it is believed to be due to the ghost of Karaiyakot.

Badelwa
This deity takes care of fire and water. The gurwa offers oil to this god, believing that he will take care of the health of the villagers. It is believed that he doesn’t allow oil and foods affect the health of the eater. The newly-wed bride is taken to maruwa to worship him even before stepping into home, so that she does not suffer in the future.   

Kuiya Pani
This deity is present in the water sources (well and river bank) of the village. It is believed that this deity keeps the water clean and keeps the water-borne diseases at bay. The water resources are worshipped as gods. During the holi (festival of colours) festival, the villagers clean the wells.   

It is a common belief among Tharus that if the gurwas fail to worship any of the 22 deities, they trouble the villagers turning into ghosts and devils. While worshipping, 22 oil lamps are offered to all 22 deities (including two sisters Daharchandi and Draupadi, five Pandavas and three Jagannathia brothers). 

Thakurbaba: God to the Tharus

By Pat Kauba
(Courtesy: ECS, Photos: Pat Kauba/ECS)
  
The Ram temple in Bardia National Park adds a touch of mystique to the legend of the Tharubaba

A young boy, no more than seven years, works his way around a small temple in Bardia National Park. He sweeps between the large pillars of the Rajasthani style Ram Temple, far removed from the desert, but in the pre-monsoon season, not so far from its heat. He moves with repetition, confident of his work, repeated too many times to count. A tap fills pales of water, and he commences to strew it left and right, washing walls and paths around the temple’s inner sanctum—before proceeding inside.

Bells hang from the roof, near the door; small, medium and large. Worn beyond identity some ring-out the auspicious Aum and some just clung. The boy moves through the door into the dimly lit room. He begins washing the four-foot statue of Thakurbaba, the local Tharu peoples name for Lord Vishnu, also another incarnation of his is Lord Rama. The statue has a deep, near black hue, aged beyond centuries. Next he moves onto a statue of Lord Hannuman, the monkey formed deity who represents unquestionable devotion through his love for Ram and his wife Sita; the boy repeats his task.

His job done, he moves outside to complete more tasks. In the yard around the temple’s perimeter wall is a duni or religious fire, long decommissioned. Nowadays it is used only during Dashain festivities He moves onto a small white temple to Bolenath (Shiva), proceeding to wash the lingam (phallus) inside.

With few words and no complaints, the boy moves onto his most interesting last task. A pieced together wall of carved stone, only two feet tall and about six across. Pieces of a large statue that fits together, telling a long-lost and unknown story. Only some sections are present, many others have been either lost to time, or uncollected, making the tale incomplete. At the far left side of the wall is a bust of Durga Devi, wife of Lord Shiva in her representation as pure shakti or power. She looks ferocious, wielding a blade above her head, but to strike what; is unknown and lost. The stone shares the same tone as Thakurbaba.

The burning glare
A small matchbox size Durga/Parvati Temple on an adjacent hill doesn’t get the boys attention today. I ask where the pujari (temple priest) is, “My grandfather is away,” he answers, with an indefinite return. His grandmother watches from a hut between the two temples. She wears tulsi beads (basilica seeds used for meditation by those who abstain from meat and alcohol) and an untrusting glare. She is slowly reluctant to share any of the temple’s stories with me. Strangely though, she offers me the kind gesture of staying for dinner, informing me that her husband is the pujari, and he’s a Sitaram baba.

The next day I come to learn the story of how Thakurbaba and the stonewall came to be through locals.

Have I got a story for you
One tourist guide comes visiting the temple with a French couple; he gives his knowledge freely, even too much so. He tells of a jhankri or shaman, who was walking through the park more than 150 years ago. He was on the road to holy Mt. Kailash in southern Tibet, home to Lord Shiva and his wife. These were the days long before immigration officers. Strapped to his back was the large statue of Thakurbaba. He decided to rest next to the park and one of its streams for a day or two. But on the morning he was to continue to Kailash, no force could get the statue back onto his back and moving again. He believed he was meant to keep the statue where it was, and so it remained.

I sat looking at the man, but found his story a little too strange to understand, especially considering the size of Thakurbaba and its sheer weight. And also, how did the wall, with Durga’s image come to be?

Unsatisfied I continued investigating.

Digging around
People filled me with plenty of random knowledge. Most couldn’t tell me how old Thakurbaba was, or where he came from. Most people also dismissed the previous story. They were happy to tell how many years ago the temple owned a large area of land, 12 bigha, and more than 100 cattle. Which anywhere, to anyone, is a vast wealth. But time, depths and tigers took care of all that. Some talked, saddened, how arti puja, the worship of the rising and setting sun was no longer observed, how the duni lay empty and how little ever happened at the temple. But still, nobody could tell me about the wall and statue.

Still unhappy with the answers I had, I was near ready to give up on finding out the tale during my journey into western Nepal’s Tarai flatlands, until, an eventful meeting on my last night. A man with a deep interest in local lore and Hinduism, had heard of my inquiries and wished to share his version of events.

He told me how many centuries ago a farmer was digging down by the river, when he hit upon a lump of rock. So the man dug further around the lump, eventually and to his surprise uncovering a statue. Not knowing what to do, the man ran to the great king (more likely the local chief) who upon hearing about the find, demanded the statue to be dug up and brought to his home. The next day many workers starting digging to bring out the statue for the king, but to no avail. Waters mysteriously rose around both workers and statue. Then the pond became infested with snakes. That night, at a loss of ideas, the king retired for restless sleep.

And so it was
In a deep sleep, the king dreamed that the statue was talking to him. It tells him not to remove the statue from its place or there will be grave consequences for him. In the morning, shaken, the king called for the digging to cease and ordered a temple built on the site for the statue to remain with the Tharu people. And as for the wall of carvings, this turned up in or near the river, piece by piece in the years since, mostly after large rainfall or when fields were ploughed.

I don’t know if the tale is a true account, but for me it was more believable than the statue being carried from India. Personally I always enjoy a bit of the mysterious or unexplainable. But it doesn’t matter, for like most things of this nature, it is all a matter of faith and belief. If you are in the area, go check and ask around for yourself, maybe you can uncover the truth, or even a missing piece of the wall and its puzzle.


Pat Kauba is a freelance writer and photographer with a love for the human spirit and its identities. He can be contacted at patkauba@gmail.com. 

Read the original post at http://ecs.com.np/features/thakurbaba-god-to-the-tharus.


Read another interesting post by the author.

http://ecs.com.np/features/the-tharus-of-the-terai-a-walk-into-their-home

किसान नेता राधाकृष्ण थारू

(c) Man Bahadur Chaudhary/Tharuwan.com

कृष्णराज सर्वहारी

राजनीतिलाई कमाइखाने भाँडो बनाउने त धेरै छन् तर राजनीतिमै निष्ठापूर्वक आजीवन लागेर प्राण उत्सर्ग गर्ने राजनेताको कमी छ। बर्दियाका राधाकृष्ण थारू त्यस्तैमध्ये एक थिए, जो भूमिहीन किसान सुकुम्बासीका अगुवा रहे। २०१५ सालमा बर्दिया क्षेत्र नं. ६४ बाट प्रतिनिधि सभामा नेपाली कांगे्रसबाट सांसद भएका राधाकृष्णको त्यहाँका भूमिहीनहरूलाई अधिकार दिलाउनमा ठूलो योगदान छ। 

त्यसताका बीपी कोइरालाले उनलाई मन्त्री मण्डलको सदस्य बनाउन प्रस्ताव गर्दा उनले परशुनारायण चौधरीलाई सिफारिस गर्दै भनेका थिए– परशुबाबु पढे/लेखेका शिक्षित गे्रजुएट छन्। म सामान्य साक्षरभन्दा उहाँ मन्त्री बन्न उपयुक्त छ।

परशुनारायण शिक्षा मन्त्री तत्काल बनाइए पनि। परशुनारायण नेपाली कांगे्रसको महामन्त्रीसम्म रही पछि पञ्चायत प्रवेश गरेर मन्त्री भई सुविधाभोगी राजनीतिमा लागे तर राधाकृष्ण थारू कांगे्रसको राजनीतिक लिकबाट कहिल्यै टसमस भएनन्। वि.सं. १९६७ मा जन्मिएका उनको २०४५ साल मंसिर २५ गते निधन भयो, त्यसबेलासम्म उनी नेपाली कांगे्रस बर्दियाको सभापति थिए। राजा महेन्द्रले लोकतान्त्रिक सरकारलाई २०१७ पुस १ गते 'कु' गरी निरकुंश पञ्चायती व्यवस्था थोपरे। त्यसबेला राधाकृष्णको बर्दियाको कोठिया र रत्नापुर गाउँस्थित घर प्रशासनले सिल गर्यो। पक्राउ पुर्जी जारी गरिएका उनी सपरिवार भारत प्रवास हुन बाध्य भए। पछि सुवर्णशमशेरको वक्तव्यपछि राजाले आममाफीको घोषणा गरेपछि उनी २०२५ सालमा नेपाल आए।

राधाकृष्णको राजनीतिक यात्रा केलाउँदा धार्मिक अभियानबाट सुरु गरेको देखिन्छ। राणाकालमा सभा, भेला गर्न/गराउन पाइँदैनथ्यो। तर २००१ सालमा उनले बर्दियाको मैनापोखरमा थारू भक्त (शाकाहारी) हरूको सम्मेलन गराए। सभामा आफू पनि शाकाहारी भएको घोषणा गरे। उनले रैतीहरूको नाममा जग्गा हुनुपर्ने आवाज उठाए। २००३ सालमा उनले रैतीहरूबाट सही छाप गराएर उनीहरूको नाममा जग्गा हुनुपर्ने भनी विन्तीपत्र चढाउन श्री ३ पद्मशमशेरकहाँ काठमाडौँ गए। व्यवस्था विरोधी कांगे्रसी भएको विरोधीहरूले बात लगाएपछि डिठ्ठा भद्रमान चित्रकारको रक्तकालीस्थित घरमा पाहुना भई बसेका उनलाई आठपहरियाहरूले पक्राउ गरे। उनले श्री ३ समक्ष विन्ती चढाए– हामी व्यवस्था विरोधी होइनौँ। थारू रैतीहरूको वारेस भई उनीहरूको नाममा जग्गा जमिन हुनुपर्यो भनेर विन्ती चढाउन आएका हौं।

त्यसपछि राधाकृष्णले छुटकारा पाए। उनले चढाएको विन्ती पत्रले काम गर्यो। २००४ सालमा बर्दियामा दौडाहा टोली आइपुग्यो। टोलीले १३ हजार विगाहा जग्गा भूमिहीन रैतीहरूको नाममा गरिदियो। तर उनीहरूले सो जग्गा एक वर्ष पनि राम्ररी उपभोग गर्न पाएनन्। राधाकृष्ण थारूले पुनः आन्दोलन चलाए। पछि अधिकार सम्पन्न आयोग बर्दियामा पठाइयो, जसले २५ हजार विगाहा जग्गा भूमिहीनहरूको नाममा गरिदियो। त्यसपछि उनी जमिनदारविरुद्ध अर्थात् बेठबेगारीविरुद्ध अभियानमा पनि लागे।

राणा शासन ढलाउन २००७ सालको सशस्त्र आन्दोलनमा राधाकृष्णकै अगुवाईमा बर्दियाको राजापुर र गुलरिया बजार कब्जा गरिएको थियो। क्रान्तिकारीहरूले बजार कब्जा गरेपछि उनकै अध्यक्षतामा स्थानीय प्रशासन चलाउन स्थानीय क्रान्तिकारी सरकारका रूपमा समितिसमेत गठन गरिएको थियो। राधाकृष्णका दुई भाइ छोरा पनि पछि सभासद भए। २०५६ को प्रतिनिधि सभामा मंगलप्रसाद थारू कांगे्रसबाट सभासद चुनिएका थिए भने अर्का छोरा गोविन्द थारू नेपाल सद्भावना पार्टी (आनन्ददेवी) बाट २०६३ मा आन्तरिक विधायक चुनिएका थिए। यसरी थारू समुदायमा एकै घरका ३ जना सदस्य सभासद चुनिएको राधाकृष्णको परिवारमात्र हो।

मेलमिलापको नीतिपछि स्वदेश फिर्ता भएका राधाकृष्ण थारू अस्वस्थ थिए। तर ४ वर्ष लगातार प्रशासनमा तारेख धाए। पछि केही साथीहरूको सल्लाहमा २०२९ सालमा उपप्रधान पञ्चको उमेदवारी दिएपछि उनलाई प्रशासनले दुःख दिन छाड्यो। प्रशासनलाई लाग्यो, राधाकृष्णले पञ्चायतको समर्थन गर्यो तर उनको मनमा कांगे्रसबाहेक अर्को राजनीतिक आस्थाले स्थान पाएन। २०१७ सालको कुमा जफत गरिएको सेफ प्रशासनले उनको छोरा मंगलप्रसाद २०५६ मा सभासद भएपछि मात्रै फिर्ता गर्यो। अर्को छोरा गोविन्द थारूका अनुसार सेफभित्र आमाको बिहेका कपडाबाहेक अरु केही थिएन। चालीसौँ वर्षसम्म प्रशासनको चौरमा राखिएको सेफ खियाले थोरै खाएको थियो तर राधाकृष्णको परिवारले साँचो फेला नपर्दा, फुटाएर पनि सम्भव नभएपछि सेफ खोलेर हेर्न सकेन।

राधाकृष्ण थारूको सम्मानमा बर्दियाको सदरमुकाम गुलरियाको मुख्य चोकलाई राधाकृष्ण चोक नामाकरण गरिएको छ। चोकमा उनको अर्धकदको शालिक पनि ठड्याइएको छ। भूमिहीनविरुद्ध राधाकृष्ण आजीवन लडे तर बर्दियाका भूमिहीन, मुक्त कमैया भने अझै पनि उनकै शालिक घेरा हालेर अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि धर्ना दिन बाध्य छन्। आफूले सोचेको सपना पूरा नभएपछि उनको आत्माले पक्कै पनि शान्ति पाएको छैन होला। उनको नाममा राधाकृष्ण थारू जनसेवा केन्द्र संस्थासमेत खोलिएको छ। संस्थाका अध्यक्ष दिनेशप्रसाद श्रेष्ठले राधाकृष्णको नाममा पार्क बनाउने घोषण गरे पनि त्यो गर्भमै छ। सभासद रहिसकेका छोराहरूले समाजसेवामा राधाकृष्णले गरेको लगानीको ब्याज त खाइरहेका छन् तर उनको सपना पूरा गर्ने खाका भने बनाएका छैनन्।

साभारः नागरिक दैनिक

इतिहासको पानामा गुमनाम परशुनारायण

कृष्णराज सर्वहारी

(c) Tharuwan.com

२०६९ मंसिर २१ गते थारू राजनेता परशुनारायण चौधरी यो धर्तीबाट सदाका लागि अस्ताए। उनको नश्वर चोला विदा भएको ठीक एक बर्ष पूरा भयो। हालैको संविधानसभाको चुनावमा थारू समुदायका कति सभासद विजयी भए? समानुपातिकमा थारू समुदायबाट को को सभासदमा पर्लान्? सर्वत्र चर्चा छ, तर राजनीतिमा थारूहरूलाई संरक्षकको रुपमा डोर्याउने राजनेता परशुनारायणलाई सम्भि्कने फुर्सद कसैलाई छैन।

गएको बर्ष उनको ११ औँ पुण्यतिथिको अवसरमा मैले एक लेखमा विचार पोखेको थिएँ कि उनको नाममा कुनै ट्रष्ट, सम्झना कोष या प्रतिष्ठान खडा होस्। प्रत्येक बर्ष मंसिर २१ गते सम्झना दिन स्वरुप मनाउँदै कुनै पुरस्कार स्थापना गर्न सकिए उनीप्रति सच्चा श्रद्धान्जली ठहरिने थियो। तर यो एक बर्षको अवधीमा परशुनारायणलाई सम्भि्कनलायक कुनै काम न त राजधानीबासी, न त उनका गाउँवासी (गोवरडिहा, देउखर) ले गरेको सुन्नमा आयो। अहिले पहिचानको राजनीतिले ठाउँ पाएको छ। विभिन्न गोत्र, बंशहरूको पनि संगठन खुलेका छन्। परशुनारायण सतगौंवा गोत्रका थिए। देउखुरीमा खड्गनारायण चौधरीको अध्यक्षतामा सतगौंवा थारू समाज गठन गरिएको छ। जिउँदो छँदासम्म उनलाई समाजको संरक्षक बनाइएको थियो, तर मृत्युपछि आफ्नो संरक्षकलाई जीवन्त बनाउन उनको नाममा कुनै कार्यक्रम गर्नु त टाढाको कुरा स्मारिकासम्म प्रकाशित गर्न उचित सम्भि्कएन सतगौंवा समाजले। यो भन्दा विडम्वना अरु के हुन सक्ला।

शायद २०६१ सालमा होला, गायक रेशम चौधरीले परशुनारायण चौधरीलाई नेपालभरिको थारू समुदायको …बरघर’ (अगुवा) चुनेको घोषणा गरेका थिए। माघीको अवसरमा भृकुटीमण्डपमा भएको माघी महोत्सवमा उनलाई बरघरको फेटा बाँधेर सम्मान गरिएको थियो। वास्तवमा परशुनारायण थारू समृदायको बरघरको हकदार त छँदै थिए, नेपाली राजनीतिमा उच्च स्थान बनाएका राजनेता थिए। उनको बराबर अव सायदै कुनै थारू राजनीतिम शिखर चुम्न सक्लान्। तर उनको देहान्तको एकै बर्षको अवधीमा उनलाई सम्भि्कने कोही भएन।

कुनै समय नेपाली काँग्रेसका हस्ती परशुनारायणको पञ्चायत प्रवेश र पछिल्लोपटक राजसभा स्थायी समितिको सभापति पदबारेको चर्चालाई ठाँटी राख्ने हो भने पनि उनी उल्लेख गर्न लायक व्यक्तित्वमा अग्रिम पंक्तिमा पर्छन्। काशी विश्वविद्यालयमा पढ्दा–पढ्दै वीपी कोइरालाको संगतमा लागेका उनी आफ्नो गृहजिल्ला दाङदेउखुरीमा काँग्रेसको मलजल गरे, राणाशासन बिरुद्ध लडे। २०१५ सालको आमनिर्वाचनमा दाङबाट निर्वाचित यी व्यक्तित्व वीपीको प्रधानमन्त्रीत्वमा शिक्षा मन्त्री भए। आफ्नो गाउँ गोवरडिहामा विद्यालय स्थापना गरे। देउखुरी उपत्यकाबाट पुराना पुस्ताका जतिले शिक्षा पाए, सोही विद्यालयमा पढे।

२०१७ साल पुस १ गते राजा महेन्द्रले वीपीको प्रजातान्त्रिक सरकारलाई …कू’ गर्दा परशुनारायण एक बैठकको सिलसिलामा विदेशमा थिए, उतैबाट भारत निर्वासित भए। मेलमिलापको नीतिसँगै ९ वर्षको निर्वासनमा पछि उनी वीपीसँगै २०२५ सालमा नेपाल आएका थिए। उनको लगनशीलताले नेपाली काँग्रेसमा उनले वरिष्ठ महामन्त्रीको पद पाएका थिए। वीपीले बारम्बार भन्ने गरेका थिए– …मेरो शेषपछिको उत्तराधिकारी तपाई नै हो। तर उनी २०३८ सालमा एकाएक पञ्चायत प्रवेश गरे। त्यसबेला वीपीको टिप्पणी थियो– चौधरी सुविधाभोगी राजनीतिमा लहसिए।

पञ्चायत प्रवेशपछि उनी पञ्चायत नढल्दासम्म लगातार मन्त्री बनिरहे। उनको गल्ती छयालीसको आन्दोलन दवाउन प्रतिकार समितिको संयोजक बन्नु रह्यो। तर पञ्चायतमा रजगज गरेका अर्जुननरसिंह केसीहरू काँग्रेसमा प्रवेश गरेर चोखिए। अञ्चलाधीश रहेका सूर्य बहादुर सेन ओलीहरू माओवादीमा छिरेर क्रान्तिकारी भए। छयालिसको आन्दोलनपछि परशुनारायण माउ पार्टी काँग्रेसमा नछिरेका होइनन्। तर २०४८ को चुनावमा उनलाई टिकटबाट वञ्चित गरियो। स्वतन्त्र उमेदवारको पर्चा छापिएर आए पनि बाँडिएन। उनले आफ्नो उमेदवारी फिर्ता लिएको अनौठो समाचार सुन्नमा आयो।

स्वतन्त्र उमेदवारी फिर्तापछि पनि कांग्रेस पार्टीमा उनलाई कुनै स्थान दिइएन। अन्ततः उनी राप्रपामा छिरे, २०५६ मा सोही पार्टीबाट संसदीय चुनाव लडे तर पछारिए। प्रतिद्वन्दीका रुपमा उनकै भतिजा खेमनारायण चौधरी मालेबाट चुनाव लडेका थिए। राजनीतिमा आफू असफल भएको उनलाई लाग्यो। निस्त्रि्कय जीवन बाँचिरहेका उनलाई राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रले राजसभा स्थायी समितिको सभापति बनाएर प्रयोग गरे। उनीमाथि निष्ठाको राजनीति नगरेको आरोप लाग्यो। मण्डलेको आरोपबाट उनी चोखिएनन्। मृत्युवरणपछि उनको माउ पाटीं काँगे्रसले, न त आफूले स्थापना गरेर हुर्काएको नेपालको पहिलो सामाजिक संस्था थारू कल्याणकारिणी सभाले नै शोकको सामान्य विज्ञप्तिसम्म जारी गर्यो।

छयालीसको आन्दोलनपछि बनेको दोश्रो लोकतान्त्रिक सरकारको अगुवाइ गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाले गरे। धेरैको भनाइ सुनियो– यदि परशुनारायण पञ्चायत प्रवेश नगरेको भए आज उही एउटा थारूको छोरो प्रधानमन्त्री हुन्थ्यो। तर यो आँकलन हावामा तीर हानेझैँ लाग्छ। निश्चय पनि वरिष्ठ महामन्त्रीको हैसियतले उनी त्यसको हकदार हुन्थे तर राजनीतिमा बाहुनवाद हावी भएको वेला उनको के सुनुवाइ हुन्थ्यो र? काँग्रेसमा पछिल्लोपटक सर्वोच्च नेता गणेशमानसिंह र सन्त नेता कृष्णप्रसाद भट्टराईको अवस्था देखिएकै हो, दुवैले पार्टी परित्याग गरे। परशुनारायणले उल्टो दिशाको राजनीति गरे भन्ने कांगे्रसीहरू आज आफै उल्टो दिशामा, यथास्थितिबादको राजनीतिमा कुहिरोको काग भएका छन्, संघीयता उनीहरूलाई पचिरहेेको छैन। अझ भट्टराईले त राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रको कदमको खुलेरै प्रशंसा गरेका थिए, उनको सम्झनामा भक्तपुरको बाँडेगाउँमा आश्रम बन्यो। तर परशुनारायण जीवनको अन्तिम घडीमा पाटन अस्पतालको सामान्य बेडमा मृत्युसँग लडिरहे। सामान्य खोकीको उपचार गराउन बैँकक, अमेरिका धाइरहेका मन्त्री, सरकारको नजर उनको गिर्दो स्वास्थ्यमा पर्दै परेन।

थारू समुदायबाट राजनीति गर्ने जति हस्ती छन्, परशुनारायणको उचाइ लिन शायदै सक्लान्। उनी ७/८ वर्ष मन्त्री भएको, केही समय राजसभा स्थायी समितिको सभापति भएको गणना त सबैले गरे तर उनी दशक बढी निर्वासनमा बिताएको, राणा शासनको खिलाफमा लडेकोमा कसैले दृष्टिगत गरेनन्। पछिल्लो कालमा छोरी, श्रीमती गुमाएका उनी दुवै छोराहरू पनि विदेशिएका कारण नितान्त एक्लो जीवन विताइरहेका थिए।

भलै आर्यघाटको मृत्युशैयामा चीर निन्द्रामा पल्टिएका बेला परशुनारायणको मुहारमा सन्तोषको भाव झल्किन्थ्यो। अन्तिम संस्कारमा उपस्थित नभएका छोराहरूलाई सन्देश पो थियो कि– छोराहरू म आफू बाँचुन्जेल देशकै सेवा गरेर मरें, तिमीहरू पनि स्वदेशमै आउ, म त गुमनाम भएर बितें, तिमीहरूले मेरो नामलाई उचाइमा पुर्याउ। तर उनको परिवार, थारू समाज, यो देशले उनको योगदानको उचित मूल्याङ्कन गर्न कञ्जुस्याइ गरिरहेको छ। उनी अव सदाको लागि गुमनाम हुँदै छन्।

गएको बर्ष परशुनारायण चौधरीको तेह्रौं पुण्यतिथीमा सहभागिता जनाउन उनको निवास भक्तपुरको लोकन्थली जाँदा मैले देशका ठूला भनाउँदाहरू कोही देखिन। जेठो सपरिवार अमेरीका र कान्छो सपरिवार चेक गणतन्त्रमा बस्ने उनका दुवै छोराहरू तेह्रौं पुण्यतिथीमा आएका त थिए तर निकैबेर बस्दा पनि बाबुको सपना साकार पार्ने कुनै खाका उनीहरूले सुनाएनन्। अझ बर्खीको नाममा सेतो टोपी समेत नलगाएका कान्छा छोराको तस्विर लिन खोज्दा उनले मलाई अनुमति नै दिएनन्।

उनको घर परिवारका सदस्यहरूले भलै नसम्भि्कऊन्, थारूहरूको छाता संगठन थारू कल्याणकारिणी सभा लगायत उनका शुभचिन्तकहरूको ध्यान परशुनारायण चौधरी स्मृति प्रतिष्ठान स्यापना गर्नेमा हुनुपर्छ। उनको गाउँ देउखुरी गोवरडिहा गाउँको चौराहामा समेत उनको शालिक ठड्याउन नसक्ने थारू समुदायको ठूलो कमजोरी हो।

साभारः २१ मंसिर, नागरिक दैनिक, पश्चिमेली

Book Review – The Return of the Mauryas

History is written by the winners and the losers are lost in transition. The book The Return of the Mauryas penned by Subodh Kumar Singh throws light on the glorious history of Tharus. In his book, he claims that the ancestors of Shah Kings descended from the Magar community and the first kings of the Shah dynasty had matrimonial links with the Sen Kings of Nepal, who were actually Tharus.

"The Magar Kings had the tradition of marrying the daughters of Tharu Kings. Prithvi Narayan Shah himself married a Tharu princess called Kaushalyavati," Singh claims.

"During his last days, Prithvi Narayan Shah, the founder of the Shah dynasty, gathered all his relatives, courtiers and officers around him and advised them on how to conduct their work and themselves. On his death bed, the king said that he was a Magar King."

The Return of the Mauryas sheds light on the Sakya Mauryas of Tharu origin that issued Sakyamuni Buddha and Emperor Ashoka. It elucidates how once again the descendants of the Buddha and Ashoka emerged as the rulers of the entire Terai and Nepalmandala after the fall of Mauryan Empire.

The author says that he found out that the enigmatic Tharus had a great history, but its glorious past was mystified after they converted themselves to Rajput in the seventh and eighth century Christian era.

In the second chapter of the book, he explains about the rise of Rajputs and how the Thervadin Tharus, the classical Kshatriyas, of the ancient past took the title of Singh and Sen in the medieval age. In the third chapter, he talks about the Sen Kings of the Terai, who had matrimonial relation with the Shah Kings of the hills. According to him, the historical facts reveal that the Shah Kings and the Sen Kings had married among themselves right from the inception of the House of Gorkha. He mentions that all the Shah Kings from Darvya Shah to Girvana Yuddha Bikram Shah were born from a Tharu mother.

The book has been reviewed by esteemed newspapers and news agencies. Below are the links to the reviews garnered by the book.

The Times of India

Book flattens Nepal king's divine myth

Zee News

Nepali author demolishes King's blue blood claim

The Rising Nepal

The Return of the Mauryas

Avail a snapshot of the book by clicking the link below.

Prints Asia 

Cattle delights in Shukrati

Every dog has his day. It's true in case of cattle, at least, during the Shukrati celebrations. Shukrati is most popularly known as Tihar and Deepawali. Some call it Diya Bati and Hunka Pati in the Eastern Nepal. On the day of Govardhan Pooja the cattle owners colour their cattle, goats and serve them Ayurvedic concoctions.

When I approached a cattle owner, he was grinding a handful of Dulfi (Leucas aspera). After grinding, he filtered the juice with a white piece of cloth. The juice was green and had strong aroma. He told that the juice had healing properties. It keeps the cough, cold and fever at bay.

Dulfi (c) www.itslife.in

Leucas aspera is used in traditional medicine in the Philippines to treat scorpion bites. It is reported to have ability to help reduce fever. The juice of the flower can be extracted and used to treat sinusitis, headaches and intestinal worms in children, as mentioned in Wikipedia.

He then prepared another mixture. A handful of black pepper powder was mixed in mustard oil. The yellowish black mixture is again an anti-dote to cough and cold. In Ayurvedic medicine black pepper has been used to aid digestion, improve the appetite, treat coughs, colds, breathing and heart problems, colic, diabetes, anaemia and piles. Click the link for details.

These concoctions not only cure the animals but also provide them strength to fight. The cattle herders organise a fight at the grazing fields, generally a river bank in Govardhan Pooja. The strongest one takes the hurra, a bale of grass home.

Read in detail about the Shukrati celebrations by clicking the link below. 

http://tharuculture.blogspot.com/2013/07/shukrati-festival-of-lights.html

Nepali versus English: Which to learn after Tharu language?

Connecting the dots
Imagine the egg and chicken conundrum. Tharus were in Nepal since the days of Buddha. It makes at least 2,500 years. Medically it has been proved that Tharus are resistant to malaria. And to be immune to malaria, you need to spend at least some 3,000 years in the marsh along with the Anopheles mosquitoes. This proves Tharus were here for more than 3,000 years ago.

Now imagine scholars claiming Tharus don't have their own language. They have been lamenting that Tharu language is a spin-off of Maithili in the eastern, Bhojpuri in the central and Awadhi in the western Nepal. However, it is a well-known and well-accepted fact that Tharus were here in this part of earth much earlier than the Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi speaking races.

So, were the Tharus dumb before their neighbours speaking Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi entered Nepal? Did they speak in sign language?

Even a blockhead can say no to this false claim. The truth is, Tharus had their own language and their language was marauded, exploited, influenced and colonised by other languages.

Still the roots of Tharu language remain the same. The basic words are same. Only, with the time, and the influence of newer languages, Tharu language turned into what it is today. 

The need to preserve Tharu language
Take the example of "Jhutti" – a bunch of rice sheaves weaved into decorative forms of a cow's beak (kauwatholi), broom's headgear (maur), mat (patiya), comb (kakahi) and so on. To explain the one-word wonder you will need at least 10 words in Nepali and so in other languages.

Likewise, name the fishing equipment – koniya, dhasha, chachh, helka, tapi, dhariya, deli and many others – you need at least a bunch of words to explain them. But the Tharus, they have been using it since ages and no other language can well explain them.

Now come to the food items. Who else can explain hundreds of recipes of fishes and water snails other than Tharus? Similarly, none other than Tharus can explain the ornaments that they have been wearing since ages. The nuances of daily lives lived and experienced by Tharus can be explained only in Tharu language. That's why it is essential to preserve Tharu language. It's similar to saving the Sami language of Norway, Sweden and Finland that has 180 snow and ice related words and as many as 1000 different words for reindeer.

Why Nepali speakers hesitate to learn Tharu language
Now, the quintessential question to the national language speakers residing in Tharuhat, the land of Tharus: Why do they hesitate to learn Tharu language while Tharus have learnt Nepali? Are they still surviving in the days of Manu? Do they still claim to be smarter and more intelligent than their brothers (the relationship they pronounce when they have to relate with Tharus)? Or do they feel ashamed of learning and speaking Tharu language?

The one and only answer to this question is: The state made it mandatory to learn and speak Nepali while it claims that Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic, multi-cultural country. That's the sole reason Tharus must learn Nepali in order to survive in Nepal. On the contrary, Nepali speakers living in Tharuhat don't need to learn Tharu language. Because the ones speaking Tharu language are compelled to learn Nepali. Though it is a foreign language for them.

If anybody disagrees to it then ask them to do so without learning English. No Nepali speaker can survive in this global competition without learning English. They are compelled to learn and speak English even though they can express better in their mother tongue Nepali.    

Why not to speak English rather than Nepali
So the question: Why not eliminate the middle-language called Nepali if the Tharus need to compete globally? Obviously, they can follow their Indian counterparts. In India, it isn't compulsory to learn Hindi, the national language. They can learn two languages and survive. One, the mother tongue (Oriya, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Marathi and likes) and the other, English.

Tharus can do the same. The middle-language Nepali can be eliminated so that one doesn't need to slog twice, once for Nepali and then for English. Slogging once will save their time and energy. The saved time can be utilised in other productive works. It's not a hate-relationship with Nepali language but a genuine suggestion to the Tharus to leapfrog in this competitive world.