Monday, January 17, 2011

PM stresses representation of Tharus in state organs

Kathmandu, Jan. 15 - Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal Friday called for the representation of Tharus in all organs of the state.

Inaugurating a Tharu Maghi Festival 2066 organised by Tharu Welfare Council (TWC), Premier Nepal said that the government was committed to protect the rights of the indigenous community.

He admitted that many of ex-Kamaiyas were still living a miserable life as it failed for proper arrangement of them owing to various factors.

The PM asked the ex-kamaiyas for the optimal utilisation of the land the government provided to them. "They should try to be self-dependent."

He said that there should not be condition in which other communities took advantage in the name of reservation system and Tharus were deprived of benefits from this.

"Tharu community is rich in its traditional culture and rituals. They are considered the sons of the land because of their integral relationship with the soil," Nepal said and added that they were honest, hardworking and tolerant.

The government is planning to set up ethnic museum in Champadevi that will display the costumes, cultures and traditions of 103 ethnic communities to promote their diversities, he said.

He informed that the efforts were underway to open a separate museum of Tharus in Nawalparasi district. "Such museums will help keeping the history of the country alive."

Stating that the country’s socio-economic character was still feudalistic, he said that the state was continuously working to bring about timely changes.

Council general secretary Raj Kumar Lekhi said that the Tharu community was still facing the risk of losing its language, culture and independent identity even after the restoration of loktantra.

Lekhi said that Constituent Assembly was conspiring to curtail the rights of the Tharus.

The council will be compelled to create a storm of big movement if the attempts are made to snatch our rights, he warned.

Spread in 23 districts, Tharus make up 5 to 7 per cent of total population of the country. The government recognised Maghi as public holiday to Tharus in 2058 BS and since 2064 BS the festival has been observed as a national holiday for all government employees.

Courtesy: www.gorkhapatra.org.np

Tharu community busy celebrating Maghi

By Gorkhapatra Correspondent, Dhangadhi

The Tharu community of western Nepal has been busy celebrating Maghi. The festival is celebrated in a grand manner from the last week of the month of Paush to 3 Magh every year.

The Tharus celebrate this festival with the belief that the season changes and summer begins. During the festival, Bhalmansa (judge giving justice), Guruwa (a person responsible for treating people) and Chiragi (guard) is selected. Bhalmansa is also called Mahato, Mahakama and Badghar. The name of Bhalmansa is named differently in different places. Since a new individual is selected for handing over the responsibility of the village, this tradition is called Khojini and Bojhini.

The Tharu of western Nepal residing in Kailali, Kanchanpur, Banke, Bardiya and Dang districts celebrate Maghi as the New Year. Ganesh Chaudhari, a Tharu journalist, said that as the festival is celebrated as the New Year, plans for the entire year are made during Maghi. The responsibility of each member of the family is also assigned. Moreover, while carrying out responsibilities, if any member of the family makes a mistake, the case is discussed during this festival. But discussions on such mistakes cannot take place before the festival. Even if they are not satisfied with the performance of the individual, he/she has to carry out the duties for one year.

In the past, the decisions on keeping, releasing or sending Kamaiyas to others’ houses was also made during the Maghi. Though the custom of keeping Kamaiyas had been abolished by the government nine years ago, small children still are kept in many houses secretly as Kamlaris to carry out the chores, Pashupati Chaudhari, central president of the Freed-Kamaiyas Society, said.

According to FNC, a non-government organisation, about 5000 Kamalaris had been freed from five districts in the west. But about 4000 are yet to be freed. Moreover, about 2000 children of freed Kamaiyas of Kailali alone are Kamlaris. Most of the Kamlaris are found to be girls.

The Tharus have already purchased pigs, boars, ducks and hens to celebrate Maghi. They make liquor at home for this occasion.

The well-to-do families of the Tharu community kill pigs and boars at their homes. The ones with weak economic conditions celebrate this together by contributing jointly. Various traditional cultural shows are also held and presented in Maghi.

Bahadur Chaudhari of the Bani Freed Kamaiya Shelter in Kanchanpur informed that the freed Kamaiyas had also purchased pigs and boars to celebrate the festival in a communal manner. He said that though many families of the freed Kamaiyas had not received land they were taking loans to celebrate Maghi.

Courtesy: www.gorkhapatra.org.np

Read how Tharus celebrate Maghi by clicking the link 
http://tharuculture.blogspot.com/2014/01/maghi-and-tharus.html

Friday, January 14, 2011

Tharus’ Maghi begins on Saturday

The Maghi Festival of the Tharus is due to be held in Kathmandu on Saturday, following the formal opening of the Nepal Tourism Year 2011.

According to the Tharu festival organising committee, the two-day festival will be organised in Khullamanch and Ratnapark. It will feature typical Tharu dances like Sakhiya, Hridangwa, Ghumra, Jhumra, Maghauta, Jharra and Lathwa. Tharu food items like rat pickle, crab pickle, fish, teel ko laddu (seasame seed ball), pork curry and a variety of breads will add colour to the biggest festival of the community.

“The festival is an opportunity to promote our songs, dances, food items, books, handicrafts and other aspects of culture,” said Premi Lal Chaudhary, coordinator of the organising committee. “The festival will also help promote the tourism year.”

Since 2002, the festival is being celebrated in Kathmandu. This year, it will be celebrated for two days unlike in the past when it used to be marked for one day.

Maghi marks the beginning of the New Year for the community and is celebrated throughout the Nepali month of Magh. The festival has other names like Magh, Maghi Sankranti and Maghi Daywani, varying from place to place.

“Maghi is also a liberation day for us as it was the only occasion for the Kamaiyas (bonded labour) of our community to take a break from their regular chores before they were legally freed on July 17, 2000,” said former Minister Gopal Dahit.

Courtesy: The Kathmandu Post

An eye for conservation

When I met Bhadai Tharu, everything seemed usual – his way of talking, his gait and his mannerism. He didn’t have the aura of celebrity around him. He was just like one of us. I had heard about his bravery and commitment towards conservation which took me to the Khata Corridor that falls in the Bardia district of western Nepal. The corridor connects the Bardia National Park in Nepal to Katerniaghat Wildlife Sanctuary in India.

When Bhadai took off his pair of goggles, I was not only sad to see his plight but was brought to tears when I heard his story.

Bhadai rose from a landless bonded labourer to become a conservation hero in true sense. Out of his commitment towards conservation, Bhadai helped establish the Gauri Mahila Community Forest User Group in 1998 and became its chairman in 2002.

It was a sad day in 2004 which tested his dedication and made him a self-made figure in conservation. He had been inside the Bardia National Park to collect grass for thatching. The national park permits the local communities to collect grass from the park once a year. It is called “kharkhadai” and most of the households take this as a chance to collect enough grass to thatch their huts for the year round. Bhadai did not have a slightest inkling that a maneater could be prowling around the tall and dense grass. All of sudden, the tiger pounced on him with full might. Hearing the loud roar of the cat, others nearby fled the scene and he was left on his own to fight the beast.

“I had no other way than to fight back the tiger”, recalls Bhadai. “I also returned punches and by god’s grace, it left me.”

The tiger left him after he struggled against the giant for few minutes. When the tiger left him, he was badly wounded and one of his eyes had gone. Hearing his howls and cries of pain, his friends returned and took him to the local health post. After preliminary treatment he was referred to a hospital in Kathmandu.

It took him a month to recover. However, as everybody thought, he didn’t have any grudges left against the tiger. Instead, he turned into a conservation enthusiast. Nowadays, he is the treasurer of Khata Community Forest Coordination Committee, and a respected figure in his village.

When it was time to part ways, he started singing a song of conservation. He has a melodious voice and the lyrics composed by him talked about the trees, environment, animals and the people who have grown greedy with time.


Bhadai was awarded the Abraham Conservation Award in 2004 in recognition to his contribution to conservation. With continued efforts from people like Bhadai, the Khata Corridor is functional and wildlife numbers are increasing in the area.

Thursday, September 24, 2009

We will establish an army of 100,000 people

(courtesy: www.kantipuronline.com)

Sep 21 - Laxman Tharu, the former Maoist who quit the party in 2006, has for the past few years been busy trying to organize his Tharu support base. More recently, he has formed an alliance with political groups from other ethnicities — the Federal Democratic National Forum (FDNF) - of which is one of the five chairpersons. In addition, he is chairperson of the Tharu Autonomous State Council. Aditya Adhikari and Pranab Kharel spoke to him about the reasons why he joined and later left the Maoists, the nature of his current political organization and its goals.

Q: Which groups are included in the Federal Democratic National Forum (Sanghiya Loktantrik Rastriya Manch) and what are your goals?
Tharu: Our Forum includes the Tharuhat State Council, Limbuwan State Council, Khambuwan , Tamsaling, Newa, Tamuwan, Magarat and Dalit. Before the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections we were an alliance of only three organisations: Tharuhat, Limbuwan and Tamsaling. We have two CA members.

We are trying to create an organization including all Adibasi/Janajatis (indigenous people), Khas — Chhetri, Bahun and Thakuri. This is a party formed on a federal model. We are looking for alternatives for Nepal. The Nepali Congress (NC), which was formed as a democratic party, has been around for 60 years. But it was unable to institutionalize socialism according to the vision of B.P. Koirala. It is not a democratic party. It is a party of traitors to the country. As soon as it gains power, it starts selling the countries rivers and destroying its forests.

After the 1990 Jana Andolan, and through the People’s War the communist parties gained in strength. We had thought that the Maoists would be able to represent us and so we joined their People’s War. But even they could not give Adivasi/Janajatis, Dalits, Muslims and people from backwards regions the direction that we were seeking. They’ve been trying to get away by talking rubbish, by propagating nonsensical ideologies. But we realized that they’re not even real communists, even Prachanda is not a communist. They have completely moved away from the principles they taught party cadres and the public during the People’s War. They have become more interested in their own material
wealth.

Communism has failed the world over. Why did this happen? Because the leaders of the so-called communist parties behaved in a way that was even more disgusting than that of capitalists.

Q: But you were a member of the Maoist party for many years. Tharu: I was just a normal person with a small job. Then, in Kailali in 2054 B.S [1997], elections to local bodies were held. Fourteen houses belonging to Kamaiyas were burnt down because they did not vote for the Shahs and the Singhs. I was in college at that time. We were beaten up and our cycles and vehicles were vandalized. When we went to the administration and the courts, they ignored us. Then, in Bardiya, Gola VDC, a powerful person managed to steal 135 bighas of land belonging to Tharus by registering it under his name. He turned the owners of the land into tenants, into Kamaiyas. These were grave crimes. We couldn’t bear this.

At this time, I began to understand how unjust and criminal the rulers of this country were. I began to look for people who were fighting against the system. As the Maoists were waging a war against feudals I went in search of them. There were hardly any Maoists in the far west until 2055 [1998]. I found a contact number in the Janadesh newspaper and journalists helped me get in touch with Maoists. I then met Badal and Pampha Bhushal and joined the party.

To a certain extent, I am happy that I joined the Maoists. They taught us how to fight, to revolt against injustice. I feel pride in that. But the irony is the leaders of the same party that waged this struggle are now acting like mega-feudals and mega-capitalists.

Q: How did you grow disillusioned with the Maoists?
Tharu:
Discontent and debate arose at the party’s Second National Convention held in 2057 [2000]. At that time Prachanda’s photo was made public and there was talk that he should be given supreme authority (pradhikar). The party was on the verge of a spilt at that point because of the conflict between Baburam Bhattarai and Prachanda. It was there that ethnic/caste issues were raised for the first time. It was Jai Krishna Goit who raised the issue of federalism and the right to self-determination. We had good relations with him. He argued that the Maoist party was not at all committed to federalism and the right to self-determination. Being communists, he argued, the Maoists would never accept these demands. Then, at the convention, he said that the Tarai was a separate state, that it wasn’t part of Nepal. The party then removed him as Chairman of the Madhes Mukti Morcha, and installed Matrika Yadav in his place.

Baburam and Prachanda themselves decided to hold a great debate on the question. But no resolution was reached at that time. We had to focus most of our energy on war; we put these issues to the side for the time being.

Q: So Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai opposed federalism at that time?
Tharu:
Its not that they opposed federalism, the debate was about the means or methods of its implementation. They believed that federalism and the right to self-determination should happen as part of the dictatorship of the proletariat. We were more interested in the international laws and conventions that guarantee the rights of indigenous people.
The right to self-determination is not the right to secession. It means that the rights of indigenous people over the water, land and forests (jal, jamin, jungle) of their traditional homelands should be ensured. This cannot happen through the dictatorship of the proletariat, as Maoist leaders believe. The Maoists may say that they are going to form federal provinces according to ethnicity and that the rights of all groups will be ensured, but these are only tactical slogans to get the support of the people. They have no intention of delivering on it. Otherwise why would the in charge of their Tharu State Committee be a Kandel, the in charge of their Tamsaling State Committee a Sapkota.


Q: When exactly did you quit the Maoist party?
Tharu:
The debate about self-determination and federalism became more contentious, and so my relations with the party soured. Prachanda went to programmes organized by the Madhesis many times after the conflict with Jai Krishna Goit. Prachanda and Baburam both went to programmes held by Limbus, Rais and other groups many times. But they never paid any attention to the Tharus. We thought: over 2000 Tharus sacrificed themselves in the war, why is our leadership still ignoring us? Even now the Tharus don’t have an important role in the Maoist party. There may be 14 Tharu Maoist CA members. But there is no Tharu who is involved at the policy-making level in the party.

Moreover, after the Second National Convention, we began to realize that the Maoists weren’t committed to federalism and the right to self-determination. I quit the party in 2063 B.S [2006].

Q: What specifically are the rights that indigenous people should have in Nepal?
Tharu:
There are discussions on this issue both in the CA and outside it. Internationally too, this issue has become a matter of debate in countries like the Phillipines, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Turkey, Malaysia and most recently in Peru. There has recently been a revolt of indigenous people in Peru. There is one common slogan that we share: nobody should be allowed to abuse the natural resources of indigenous people. Multinational companies shouldn’t be allowed to destroy the natural environment where indigenous people live.

In Nepal, without ensuring the rights of indigenous people, neither peace nor development is possible. Nepal is a country rich in natural resources and the indigenous people have a great love of their environment. None of us wish to sell the resources of the country or to have our country’s borders encroached.

The first right that we desire is the right to information. No matter who is in power, we should be the first to be informed about what is happening on our territory, on our water, on our resources. Maybe the rulers will try to sell our rivers. Maybe huge forests will be destroyed. We should be informed of this beforehand. The state cannot unilaterally take such decisions. Our permission needs to be taken. The Limbus should have the power to decide what to do with the resources on their territory, to decide what industries should be established in Limbuwan, or what areas to urbanise. The Tharus should have the same rights in Tharuhat. Indigenous people should have the first right to natural resources on their territory according to international law.

Q: You say that you don’t agree with the Maoists’ insistence on class. But isn’t inequality in Nepal based as much on class as ethnicity?
Tharu:
Some Black people read the Communist Manifesto, which insisted on the dictatorship of the proletariat. They then wrote a letter to Marx that said: “Look Marx. You are a Brahmin. If you keep a servant in your house who happens to be a Brahmin and pay him Rs. 20,000 a month he will be considered an employee. But if you employ a Black person, even if you pay him Rs. 50,000, he will be considered a slave.”

I have seen Tharus employ Tharu kamaiyas in their houses. But in such cases master and servant work in the fields together, sing and dance together, and eat in the same kitchen in the evening. But if Tharus work in the house of a Brahmin or members of other ethnic groups, the master will live separately. He will probably keep his servant hungry and beat him with a stick. He may even rape the Tharu’s wife or daughter.

We need to be self-reliant. Tharus have worked in other political parties in the past. Some have become ministers. Some have gotten jobs in the Army and police. But this did not make us self-reliant. We only carried the bags of others, ate what they gave us and did what they told us to do. Today we are learning to become self-reliant.
Class struggle is not going to liberate us. I feel that we should have taken up arms. It is our right to revolt for our rights.

Q: What concrete steps are you taking to establish your organization?
Tharu:
We have just completed the formation of the Councils of all ethnicities/castes. We have a national convention of Dalits and Khas people soon. We are declaring the establishment of a political party consisting of all state councils within two months. We have already decided to hold a national convention to unite the party. We have also decided on our ideology. Our ultimate goal is “federal socialism.” We have rejected communism and Marxism; we have rejected capitalist social democracy. We are still discussing what the specific characteristics of “federal socialism” will be.

Q: This is all at the national level. How are you expanding your organizational base in your area, the Western Tarai?
Tharu:
When Mahakali, Tanakpur, Gandak and other rivers were sold, the administration, police and the Army just stood by doing nothing. We believe that these old state organs cannot provide security to the country. So we are out of necessity forming the Tharuhat army, the Magarat army, the Limbuwan army, the Khasaan army. It is not a big deal to learn how to use guns and bombs. People can do so easily. But the important issue is how to use the organizational power that you have for the benefit of the people. We have set a target to establish an army of 100,000 people. Cadres are being trained across the country.

Q: How will you procure guns and bombs?
Tharu:
It is not necessary to have guns and bombs for the process of demanding one’s rights. If they are properly trained, people can protect themselves, their communities and country with sticks alone. Our movement will not involve guns and bombs, will not involve the capture and looting of police posts. It is not a Maoist style People’s War.

Q: All groups seem to be part of your Forum except for Madhesis.
Tharu:
There is no such thing as Madhes or Madhesi in Nepal. I don’t know where this concept came from. I don’t know whether Upendra Yadav is from Nepal or Bihar. Somehow he has managed to get Nepali citizenship. But whatever he may be, he is not a Madhesi. He is a Yadav. He has his own caste. There are other castes: Tripathis, Thakurs. Why’re these people abandoning their castes and looking for trouble by declaring they are Madhesi?

Somehow those parties managed to lead what they call the Madhes movement and Upendra Yadav did well in the elections. That is good. But let us see if they will be able to win even five seats in the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) side of the next elections. We challenge them. It is no longer possible to do politics in the name of the Madhes in the Tarai. Those parties that did are all splitting up and becoming weaker.

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

The real story of the Tharus

Late Ramanand Prasad Singh, Ex-Attorney General of Nepal, speaks about the Tharu roots at a press conference in Patna, India on 17 May 1988.

The purpose of this press conference is to expose some of the false senses that have been created round the Tharus community and to bring to light facts in history that tell us the real story about the origin and development of that community.

The fanciful, unfounded, maligned and false story about the Tharu community has done much damage to the community’s growth and progress which both the Government of India and Nepal have in view. Tenuous and recurrent are the themes about the origin of the name ‘Tharu’ from the ‘Tharu desert’. Many writers, without any substantial evidence, have put forward their proposition that the Tharus migrated from the Thar Desert in the 13th to 15th century and, therefore, they began to call themselves, or others call them the Tharus. To this story they attempted to lend credence by mentioning the immigration of Rajput women from Chitor Garha in Rajasthan during the Muslim and Mogal periods. They did flee Rajasthan during the sack of Chitour by Alloudin Khilji and Emperor Akbar. One story says that Jaimal and Fahta, decidedly great names in the annals of Rajasthan, were killed by Akbar’s forces and the men of their race fled to the jungles of Nepal, and the sons and daughters produced by their marriage with their carriers and servants are the ‘Tharus’. Some ignorant and crafty Tharus have indeed tried to cash in on this theory by saying that they came from Rajasthan due to Muslim atrocities over them and began their life afresh in the new land bereft of their sacred thread, because they adopted agriculture as their main profession and not war fare as true Rajput did in those days. Some so-called writers who came forward as socio-anthropologists have lent support to this theory thus: that the Tharus came from Rajasthan and their thesis is that they are the sons and daughters of the fleeing Rajput women who married their servants who came with them. Another theory, similar in nature, is that the Tharus are the descendents of the Bhills of Rajasthan who accompanied their Rajput Mistresses and came to Nepal Tarai during the middle ages. In support of their thesis they say that the Bhills colour and customs resemble Tharus complexion and some of their customs.

Now, I categorically reject these theories about the Tharu origin. What I have found in history is altogether different. I do not say on mere conjecture but on the basis of solid facts of ancient Indian History.

What I discovered about the Tharus is that it is a pre-Aryan race of Mongoloid origin. The socialists of India like D.N. Majumdar and others agree to this view that theories of their being Astroloids is nothing else but fiction and have not an iota of truth in it.

The true facts about the origin of the Tharus lie elsewhere. They originated in Nepal and are the remnants of the Sakya’s and Kolya’s, the two branches of the descendants of Okaka and Okamukha, the kings of Banaras. During the time of sage Kapil who had his ashram in the area which later became known as Kapilvastu, King Okaka had married a second wife in his old age and he was forced by the younger queen to promise to make her son the next king. The king Okamukha was very pious minded and, therefore, informed his three sons from his elder wife of his predicament and advised them not to revolt in his life time but to recapture their kingdom after his death from their step brother.

The four sons left the kingdom instead of thinking that there were no dearth of land and they could find a new kingdom. The five sisters, the eldest name was Priya, also joined their brother and left the country of Kosala and came to Kapil's Ashram and sought his permission to settle in the region by clearing the jungle and cultivating the forest land. Kapil readily agreed but requested them to name their state as Kapilvastu after his name. So the new country came to be known as Kapilvastu.

Now gentlemen, what I said is no figment of imagination. These facts are writ-large in the Buddhist literature-'Lalit Bistar' and 'Jatak' tales; the birth stories as narrated by Buddha, support it.

The world knows that the Buddha created a revolution in the then deteriorating Hindu society by denying and denouncing Varna Vyabastha and the caste system. His proposition that all men are born equal and are the architect of their own life was very painful to the Brahmins and the people supporting Brahminism. They saw their power structure shaking and near destruction. The doctrine of equality of freedom shook the very foundation of the Hindu Society based on the caste-system and fatalism, on the inexorable law of past Karm.

Manu, observing the social and religious conduct of the tribal to which Buddha belonged called them ‘Bratya Kshtriyas, that is, those noble men of power who believed in ‘Brata’ and ‘Upabas, and who, though they had their own territory and country, were farmers by occupation. Buddha’s father Suddhodhana was a big owner of the land and used to go round his farms with stick in hand. The Tharus have been farmer by occupation down the ages. They never did the works which is regarded by the caste Hindu as menial. If you will minutely observe their religious rites, they consist mainly of Brata’ and Upabas, just as obtained at the time of the Buddha. Buddha, as a matter of fact, being dissatisfied with the ascetic methods of the Hindu sages and seers, reverted back to his family tradition of ‘Brata’ and ‘Upabas, taking vow of achieving his goal determinedly and with resolution. The ‘Bhumi Sparsa’ or the earth touching posture of the Buddha bears witness to this fact. One can still find parallels in Buddha’s tradition and the Tharus tradition of ‘Brata,.

The facial features of the ‘THARUS’ too resemble the earliest stone images of the Buddha. ‘Dharm Chakra Paribartana’ Mudra of the Buddha is immortalized in the Sarnath Statue of the Buddha. The statue bears no sacred thread as do the images of Hindu gods. There is no mention of Yagyopabit (sacred thread ceremony) and chudamani karma in the biography of the Buddha as revealed in the Tripitaka religious literature. Vicent Smith, Oldenberg, Basham all renowned historians, have vouched that the Buddha was not of the Aryan stock, that he belonged to a tribe of mongoloid extraction. The Tharus bear that feature. The physiognomy of the Tharu tribe immediately comes before our minds here. The Tharus have the same facial features. They lived and still live in the same terrain. The place of their origin, Kapilvastu has always had Tharus as the main element of its population.

There is yet another proof I would like to offer in support of my proposition that the Buddha belonged to the same clan from which comes the Tharus community. Its scientific importance cannot be disregarded. Mr. Brayan Hodgson writes in his book, “ Bodo; Dhimal and Kooche tribes” that these tribes almost immune from malaria. To get that immunity, he says, that they must have lived in the present habitat for at least three thousand years. Now, gentlemen, we celebrated in Nepal the 2532 birth, enlightenment and death anniversary of the Lord Buddha in the last Baisakha purnima. Does not it take the Tharus community’s origin back to the times of the Buddha or earlier? Recent books too suggest similar conclusions. The book the ‘Historical tradition of India’ written by learned Pargitar has suggested that if there be any remnants of the Buddha’s tribe, it is the Tharus. Tissa Kashyapa, who is a present day professor of Buddhism religion at Nalanda Pali Institute in his article “the history of Buddhism” contained in an anthology edited by Kenneth Morgan, mentions the Tharus rituals as reminiscent of their Buddhist origin. Prof. Rhys Davids is positive that Buddha belonged to a Mongoloid tribe, Vicent Smith is is of the same the view. And finally, I came to what history records. Those who have written about the Tharus, or referred to them in olden times, personalities, the veracity of whose statements are beyond doubt. Sylvan Levy, the great French Historian, whose ‘Le Nepal’ is a common source for all Historians who have written or who still write about Nepal and its people, cannot do without consulting ‘Le Nepal’. Now Levy refers to the great Buddhist historian and polymath, Taranath (Born 1575) as to Champaran as the land of the Tharus from which tribe issued Ashoka. I see no reason to doubt him. Ashoka is the grand son of Chandragupt Maurya, who was born in Champaran at a place which abounded in Peacocks. The place of his birth, Piplikanan’ points out to the Tharu habitat. As a matter of fact, the meal of Ashoka contained as one major item, the peacock dish.

Bear with me gentlemen of the press. I have yet one more proof to offer which tells you of the Tharus’ ancient origin and ancestry. The name of Padma Sambhawa, the ‘Lotus Born’ is known all over the world, as the founder of Tibetan Buddhism or Lamaism. It was he to whom credit goes as the great founder of Vajrayan Cult of Mahayan Buddhism in Tibet and Nepal. He is respected in Tibet as great Guru or Guru Rinpoche. His biography tells us that he visited Kamru, Tharu, Tirhut and many other important places in India. He was a renowned professor of yoga in the famous Buddhist University at Nalanda in the eight century. He is worshiped in Mahayana Countries as a Bodhistawa that is a future Buddha.

The father of Buddha, Suddhodhana was not a Chakrabarti king but only a large Bhumipati and was the elected leader of his people who lived in the land cleared of mighty Sakhuwa trees. Sakhuwa was their national tree and from that name Sakya (mighty, able) derives. Buddha's father's name Sudhodhana literally means pure rice. The Tharus still use the world 'Odana' when they inquire of their guests as to whether they had had their meals by asking then whether they had had their 'Odana'.

Again, it is well known to the Buddhist historians that the Buddha’s ancestors, when they came to resettle in the woods of Kapilvastu, the brothers married their own sisters while the eldest sister Priya ran the household by remaining unmarried. Now if the Buddha’s ancestors had been the Kshatriyas of Hindu concept, they could not have married their own sisters. It would have been sacrilegious, abhorring to the caste Hindu. Siddhartha married his own maternal sister Yashodhara of the clan of Koliya, begotten of Priya by king of Banaras who lived in a near by jungle suffering from leprosy and who was cured by eating leaves of the Koilar (Koliya) tree. Priya, who had to leave her brother due also to leprosy, was helped by Ram to get ride of leprosy and who ultimately married her and begot many sons and daughters. It was the Sakya and the Koliyan people who became initiated later on in Buddhism, after the Buddha having gained enlightenment and having many disciples came to Kapilvastu to meet his family. The people of those two clans who conducted themselves according to Buddha’s original doctrines as reported by their elders came to be known as Therabadins. These followers of Theravada Buddhism came to be called ‘Sthavir’. It is from this word that the name Tharu derives. From Sthavir to Thavir and from Thavir to Tharu is an easy and logical verbal transition. This interpretation of the word ‘Tharu’ is logical and in keeping with their traditional values and behavior.

The Tharus live a simple life and are renowned for their honesty. Sociologists and anthropologists all bear out this truth about the Tharus. The Tharus believe in ‘Brata and Upabas’ and know not the Hindu rites of Yoga or Homa. They do not wear sacred thread as do the Brahmins and Rajput communities. As a matter of fact and honesty, they were converted into Hinduism by the Hindu priests and Shankracharya both by

Now when you hear from him that in the eighth century he visited Tharu or the land of Tharus, where does the fictitious theory of the’Tharu origin’ from Thar Desert, or branding them as the sons and daughters of the Rajput women and their servant, stand?

The Tharus are of Nepalese origin. They originated in Nepal and around Kapilvastu and are to-day to be found all over Nepal Tarai and many border lying districts of India ranging from the border of Uttar Pradesh to the border of Bengal. Hope, these expositions of the origin and development of the community called the Tharus will help eradicate some of the mischievous and twisted, much maligned stories about the Tharus and scholars, historians, sociologists and others would review the stand of the past writers on the subject.

Thank you all.
photo credit: Yodod via photopin cc

Digging for Tharu roots



Book Review: The Kings of Nepal & the Tharu of the Tarai Edited by Gisele Krasukopff and Pamela Deuel Meyer rusca press and CNAS

A new book pores through royal records to find how past kings dealt with Nepal's indigenous Tharus

CK Lal in Nepali Times (Courtesy: Nepali Times)

Under oppressive circumstances, it's too frightening to contemplate the gloom that lies ahead. Dreams turn into nightmares. Fear replaces hope. Saving sanity becomes the top priority. In such situations, it's not unusual to fall back upon the glories of an imagined past.

The only source of glory of all subject communities in a kingdom is their association with the ruling dynasty. Hence it's not unusual that Tej Narayan Panjiar began to collect Royal Documents to reclaim the honour that was accorded by the rulers of the land to his ancestors.

In Maithil society, Panjiar is traditionally a person who keeps the genealogical records of a particular cast. In this volume, the collector's canvass is much bigger ranging from Vijayapur in the eastern tarai to Binayekpur in the Gorakhpur district of Indian territory. However, the omission of four districts of Naya Muluk (Banke, Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur) raises an important question-isn't the present plight of Tharus in this region and their absence of any visible connection with the royal dynasty somehow interrelated?

Land administration in the tarai for the benefit of the rulers is the basic theme of all the lal mohars in the collection. The current Chairman of the Raj Parishad Parshu Narayan Chaudhary is perhaps the first Tharu court noble. The Panjiar Collection gives a glimpse of Tharu history spanning nearly three centuries. No Tharu in that entire period seems to have acquired an office of prominence under any king.

Unsurprisingly, most anthropologists studying Nepal have concentrated their interests on ethnic groups of the hills, valleys and mountains. Academic enquiries aren't as unbiased as they claim to be. It has been in the interest of the ruling class-and their imperial sponsors abroad-to create a body of knowledge about Rais, Gurungs, Magars and Limbus because these valiant tribal groups have traditionally produced cannon fodder. Bahun, Chhetri and Newars had to be studied because they are the ones who have always ruled, and continue to rule, this country. Tarai communities were never considered important enough to deserve special attention, but this book could be a harbinger of change.

In addition to the names credited on the cover, acknowledgements in the book mentions Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Harka Gurung, Rishikesh Shaha, Prem Khatry, Tirtha Prasad Mishra, Kanak Mani Dixit and Suresh Lama. It's difficult to imagine a more exclusive team of Nepalis to appropriate the history of Tharus for the court in Kathmandu.

Educated Tharus bemoan the double jeopardy of their community: they are too close to madhesis to be anything else, but too beholden to the court in Kathmandu (due to tenancy relationships) to develop local solidarity. The crisis in Naya Muluk is even more acute where, at present, the security forces consider every Tharu youth to be a Maobadi unless proven otherwise, and the insurgents are so suspicious about cadre there that most militia commanders are from the hills.

This collection succeeds in laying the foundation of future studies by chronicling the glories of the past. The challenge now is to overcome fears and begin dreaming about an inclusive Nepali society where Tharu will cease to be a term of abuse and acquire its rightful place in the polity of the country. (Review by CK Lal)